Barun Roy: Dangerous ground

ASIA FILE

Barun Roy / New Delhi March 16, 2006



How could Gloria Macapagal Arroyo so easily forget the
Filipino people’s fight against dictatorship of which
she herself was a part.

When Gloria Macapagal Arroyo replaced disgraced
Philippine President Joseph Estrada in January 2001,
people had doubts if she would be an effective leader.
She looked so frail and fragile, a petite woman with a
girlish smile, so much like the girl next door. But
people power was behind her, former Presidents Corazon
Aquino and Fidel Ramos, who had rallied the nation in
February 1986, to oust dictator Ferdinand Marcos,
stood by and blessed her, and the Church, the media
and the civil society lent her unconditional support.


Within years, however, people started calling for her
resignation. Allegations of illegal gambling payoffs
began to fly against her husband, eldest son, and
brother-in-law, and refuse to die. When the time came
two years ago to elect her formally for a full
six-year term, her popularity was on a rapid decline.
She was accused of rigging the vote so massively that
several disillusioned members of the Philippine Senate
launched an attempt to impeach her. She survived the
move only to become even more defiant.

Journalists recently asked her what it would take for
her to resign. “Nothing,” was her blunt reply.

She proved it. Fearing that opposition politicians and
some elements of the military would try to topple her
through a coup during the 20th anniversary of the
people power revolution against Marcos, President
Arroyo declared a state of emergency, banned rallies
and marches, arrested opponents, and took control of a
newspaper critical of her regime. Cory Aquino marched
in protest. Ramos expressed surprise and dismay. “What
Arroyo has done is contrary to the spirit of people
power,” he said. “In two days she destroyed
everything.”

Luckily for the Filipinos, Arroyo’s flirting with
emergency powers lasted only a week, which was a huge
relief. But that hasn’t stanched their doubts about
her, nor has it stopped them from asking questions.
Arroyo, a protégé of Cory and Ramos is the daughter of
Diosdado Macapagal, who was president of the country
before Marcos and known for his hatred of graft and
corruption, and whose first administrative order as
president was to bar government officials from giving
his relatives any special favours. How could a person
who has been raised in the liberal tradition and holds
a PhD degree in economics, come to be so unpopular in
such a short time? How could she forget the Filipino
people’s fight against dictatorship of which she
herself was a part?

Rumours of corruption and favouritism surrounding her
immediate family have been directly responsible for
the widespread negative popular perception of her
presidency. She herself had been caught on tape
talking to the chief election commissioner before the
presidential vote. When 10 of her Cabinet colleagues
wanted her to resign over the cheating issue, she
fired her entire team. An indignant Cory Aquino felt
outraged enough to call publicly for Arroyo to quit.

Arroyo later apologised for her conduct and sent her
husband, Jose Miguel Arroyo, into exile in the US by
way of atonement. But the Rubicon had been crossed.
Public opinion was not pacified. The media’s loss of
faith in her was complete, the intelligentsia felt
disillusioned, and if the business community has been
supportive, it’s out of simple self-interest.

But there may be a deeper reason why Filipinos feel
disturbed by the Arroyo presidency. It’s her attitude
of defiance born of her apparent belief that she’s the
leader the nation has been waiting for, a kind of
economic messiah come to deliver it from poverty and
give it a presence in the world. She has told her
critics in so many words that it’s not she who has
degenerated but the political system itself, and it
needs a fundamental change.

“Bloody revolts won’t deter me from leading the
Philippines,” she had declared in her 2001 inaugural
speech. “My term would be the irretrievable turning
point,” she said in June 2004, delivering her
state-of-the-union speech, and added: “The next six
years, we hope, is when we finally get things right.”
Then, in an ominous warning, she told her listeners:
“All that is needed is to clean away a couple of
obstacles.”

One obstacle, obviously, is what she had described in
that speech as “unprincipled obstructionism.” “We must
put a stop to that,” she had said.

The Constitution could be another. Arroyo has often
spoken of the need to review the existing
Constitution, which prescribes a presidential form of
government, for the sake of “further improving the
country’s economy.” Critics say she prefers a
parliamentary system as this would free her from the
bindings of a single six-year term as president and
let her extend her rule as prime minister.

Will that be her next step if opposition to her regime
continues to gather momentum, as it is quite likely to
do after what has happened?

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