I posted this on a different forum the other day and thought people here
might find it interesting. Unless I mention otherwise, all facts, figures
and graphs are from Chris Bramall's "Sources of Chinese Economic Growth"

The Maoist contribution to infrastructure

As we see, Irrigated area tripled over the Maoist era. In the post Mao
era, the rate of growth of irrigated area was not as great, which can be
explained somewhat by the fact that less was necessary by then. Now, what
was the quality of this irrigation? Pretty good, in fact. We hear horror
stories about Maoist irrigation being ineffective or worse, Jung Chang's
latest piece of shit book is a case in point. However, Bramall reviews a
ton of micro-level evidence (too much to cite here unless someone really
wants it) that shows irrigation was generally pretty good about raising
yields.

http://img.photobucket.com/albums/v488/waltbyars/irrigation.gif
http://img.photobucket.com/albums/v488/waltbyars/irrigation2.gif

Under the Maoist era, railroad track increased by 3% per year, from 20k KM
to 48k KM. The length of metalled roads increased at 8% per year. They
both increased at much lower rates during the Dengist era, although
utilization rates increased at a very high rate. Thus, mathematically,
they had to have inherited substantial underutilized capacity from the
previous period.

Maoist contribution to education

In 1982, the year of the first comprehensive census, total illiteracy was
at 32%. We don't have great figures from a year like 1949 or so, but
estimates from the 1930s put the male/female rural illiteracy rates at
64%/97% and the urban at 40%/85%. From the major 1982 census, we have
detailed information from 5 provinces, including China's largest, on
literacy rates and age structure. As is clear from this chart, during the
Mao period there was a huge increase in literacy compared to  the earlier
period. In fact, the chart seriously understates this effect because it
ignores the large impact of adult education programs ( see Lavely, Xiao,
Li and Freedman "The Rise in Female Education in China" China Quarterly
121 1990).

http://img.photobucket.com/albums/v488/waltbyars/education.gif


Primary school enrollment in 1952 was 49%. By 1957 it was 62%. By 1965 it
was 85% and 97% in 1975. No wonder literacy increased. Secondary school
enrollment experienced a large upward trend as well.

http://img.photobucket.com/albums/v488/waltbyars/secondary.gif

China's "Agricultural Miracle"

One of the biggest misconceptions is that decollectivization caused the
agricultural "miracle" in China from 1980-84. This is untenable because in
the 1980s, agricultural output increased at a similar rate in areas which
were decollectized and not decollectivized, as well as among areas which
had made different progress on the decollectivization process. Bramall
makes this argument in detail in "Chinese Land Reform in the Long run
Perspective and the Wider East Asian Context" Journal of Agrarian Change
4.1-2 (2004). As he states "The early group (Anhui, Gansu, Guangxi,
Guizhou and Ningxia) saw their median agricultural growth rate rise from
3.5 per cent during 1976–80 to 9.3 per cent during 1980–4, a ratio (the
growth bonus) of 2.7.25 However, the late group (Heilongjiang, Jilin and
Liaoning provinces) did equally well; their median growth rate rose from
3.9 to 10.5 per cent."

He points out also that agricultural output grew at a rate of 4.6% per
annum in 1976-80, twice as high as the previous ten years. Also, the
weather was much poorer during this time than before or after. However,
there was no decollectivization except in parts of Anhui  during this
period!

What did cause the miracle? Bramall documents in detail that the Chinese
state had recently completed important infrastructural projects and
scientific development projects of great relevance to agricultural inputs.

What were the consequences of this miracle? the creation of surplus labor
that could go into industry, of course. There is this myth about "surplus
labor" in the Maoist period that Bramall utterly refutes in detail.
Thankfully, he includes a chart the gives a good "gee whiz" statistic. At
Mao's death the surplus in labor was negative(i.e. people had to work more
than the typical working year in order to produce everything), the surplus
was created by the agricultural miracle!

http://img.photobucket.com/albums/v488/waltbyars/surplus.gif

the Role of Foreign Trade and FDI

The conventional wisdom holds that the role of trade in China's economy
grew heavily in the post Mao period, and that this to a large extent
facilitated growth. It is correct that the role of trade grew alot, but
first of all its difficult to determine causality. There is lots of
evidence that as economies grow, they start exporting more (see any of
Dani Rodrik's writings criticizing studies that try to show cross-national
correlations between growth and "openness") because it takes strong firms
to be competitive in alot of export markets.

The sophsiticated versions of the "trade caused growth" argument point to
the greater growth of the coastal than the interior provinces. However,
these coastal provinces grew more than the interior provinces during the
Mao period as well.

http://img.photobucket.com/albums/v488/waltbyars/provincialgrowth.gif

It is very difficult to argue that FDI caused China's growth because until
the mid 1990s, it was a negligible portion of investment.

http://img.photobucket.com/albums/v488/waltbyars/fdi.gif

Then we get to the supposedly large portion of GDP that Chinese foreign
trade accounts for. The problem is that China's currency is significantly
undervalued and, as is well known, their nominal GDP is seriously
understated. It is almost certain that their foreign trade, however, is
not understated or only neglibgibly so by the official figures. The
following is Bramall's comparison of exports to GDP in purchasing power
parity terms. I think PPP is a useless measure but I'll just point out
that the role of exports in GDP calculated in PPP terms never gets more
than 10 percent.

The Third Front

One of the main reasons China's economy performed better in the post Mao
period is the cessation of the third front program. This was the practice
of building interdependent parts of China's industry in a geographically
dispersed fashion. This led to a highly inefficient use of resources, but
made their industrial base capable of withstanding nuclear attack. So, it
was not so unreasonable. In a way, socialism "caused" the external threats
to China, but the viciousness of the capitalist powers and the USSR is no
compelling argument against socialism.

See Barry Naughton "The Third Front" China Quarterly 115 (1988)

Industrial Policy in the Dengist Era

The Chinese state employed a highly activist fiscal policy. SOE's played a
big role and are generally unfairly maligned as inefficient. Large and
medium sized (in the official classification) SOEs are as efficient as
similar private firms. SOEs also face unfavorable tax policy, pay benefits
to workers that private firms don't, and are meant to do more than just
make a profit. See Dic Lo "Reappraising the Performance of China's State
Owned Industrial enterprises" Cambridge Journal of Economics 23.4 (1999)

The Chinese state also provided most of the capital for  "township and
village collective enterprises" and does so in a discriminatory manner.
There is a debate over whether these enterprises are dee facto capitalist
firms or not, but what isn't debatable is that they were the driving
proximate force in China's growth, at least in interior provinces. Jean c.
Oi's book Rural China Takes Off is the best source on what she calls
"Local State Corporatism"

The Chinese statee also intervened heavily in trade and invested in lots
of scientific development.

Now, I will leave to the interested reader to read Bramall's book (I've
never heard of someone who read it and wasn't convinced) or,
alternatively, to debate me on specific issues at hand and I'll go in to
as much depth as necessary. Obviously, I didn't prove beyond doubt all my
claims about what the Chinese state did but I am intending to just muddy
the waters as I see people citing China's experience as a self evident
example of the virtues of neoliberalism. However, again, if you want me to
provide a more in depth argument for you then I probably will. I also
don't intend for this post to be some general endorsement of Maoism,
although it is no secret I have a positive view of it. I don't want this
thread to turn into a debate about anything Mao other than his legacy for
China's "Economic miracle"

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