Could I put this in my blog, perhaps attributing it to "a friend"?  or to you 
if you
prefer.


On Mon, Oct 02, 2006 at 12:05:29PM -0400, Paul wrote:
> In previous Pen-l postings I characterized Landes as part of the "cultural
> superiority" school (his early work on Egypt, and "Wealth and Poverty of
> Nations"), although Jim D. saw merit in "Unbound Prometheus".  Just after
> the extract Michael P. cites, Landes attributes much to
> "Judeo-Christianity" (including..."Judeo-Christian respect for manual
> labor", citing Noah's ark -- I am not kidding).
>
> But focusing on this extract I wonder whether Landes isn't just falling in
> the usual traps: history only from the perspective of the elite along with
> a failure to include the political/intellectual perspectives in looking at
> economic history.
>
> So, 'Rome was good times; the Middle Ages were bad times' -- with no
> mention of those who went from slave (40% of Italy were) to serf (with a
> few customary rights), nor mention of the vast conquered peoples (Pope
> Benedict is quite wrong about why Islam so readily took over and converted
> the territories occupied of the Byzantine Roman Empire).
>
> The howler is when Landes cites the water power improvements made at the
> Abbey of Clairvaux and how they helped promote progress in Europe.  At this
> time Clairvaux was perhaps the most powerful political force in
> Europe.    The improvements made around the elite, small headquarters Abbey
> (using known, well established technologies) were funded by the vast far
> flung holdings of feudal estates legated to the Abbey by devoted nobles
> (which received no improvements).  Looking at the entire economy of the
> Abbey shows only a classic elite enclave enjoying the fruits of its
> exploitation, not an independent dynamic new economic model replicable on a
> larger scale.
>
> Landes' blinders also include the political and intellectual factors that
> promote progress.  As all students of the Sorbonne know, at this time
> Clairvaux Abbey was arguably the single greatest conservative force
> *holding back* the emerging forces of progress in Europe.  Abelarde and the
> emerging Sorbonne school of thought (logic and reason, drawing on
> Aristotle) were put on trial for heresy by none other than St. Bernard the
> famous head of Clairvaux.  St. Bernard and Clairvaux likewise played a key
> role in the launching and sustaining of the Second Crusade (deflecting
> pressures for social change while also defeating the "popularist" elements
> of the first crusade).  Clairvaux was also a key political player in
> European continental politics helping to ensure the centrality of
> conservative forces such as those centered around the Holy Roman Emperor,
> the selection of Pope's who were disciples of Clairvaux, the Lateran
> Councils and the defeat of the Norman empire in Sicily.
>
> Paul
>
>
> Michael P. writes:
> >David Landes recently published an article explaining why the West
> >prospered more than China.  You can read the whole thing and scroll
> >down.  Landes finds the usual -- that China lacked the proper market
> >arrangements that makes capitalism work.  But then he goes further,
> >suggesting that the monasteries (hardly what one might think of as a
> >free market) were a major factor in European success.
> >
> >
> >Landes, David S. 2006. "Why Europe and the West? Why Not China?"
> >Journal of Economic Perspectives, 20: 2 (Spring): pp. 3-22.
> >  3: As late as the end of the first millennium of our era, the
> >civilizations of Asia were well ahead of Europe in wealth and
> >knowledge.  The Europe of what we call the Middle Ages (say, tenth
> >century) had regressed from the power and pomp of Greece and Rome, had
> >lost much of the science it had once possessed, had seen its economy
> >retreat into generalized autarky.  It traded little with other
> >societies, for it had little surplus to sell, and insofar as it wanted
> >goods from outside, it paid for them largely with human beings.
> >Nothing testifies better to deep poverty than the export of slaves or
> >the persistent exodus of job-hungry migrants."
> >  5: "The one civilization that was in a position to match and even
> >anticipate the European achievement was China.  China had two chances:
> >first, to generate a continuing, self-sustaining process of scientific
> >and technological advance on the basis of its indigenous traditions and
> >achievements; and second, to learn from European science and technology
> >once the foreign "barbarians" entered the Chinese domain in the
> >sixteenth century.  China failed both times."
> >  5: "The China specialists tell us, for example, that in a number of
> >areas of industrial technique, China long anticipated Europe: in
> >textiles, where the Chinese had a power-driven spinning machine in the
> >thirteenth century, some 500 years before the England of the Industrial
> >Revolution knew water frames and mules; or in iron manufacture, where
> >the Chinese early learned to use coal and probably coke (as against
> >charcoal) in blast furnaces for smelting iron and were turning out
> >perhaps as many as 125,000 tons of pig iron by the later eleventh
> >century-a figure not achieved by Britain until 700 years later (Elvin,
> >1973, p. 85).  In general, one can establish a long list of instances
> >of Chinese priority: the wheelbarrow, the stirrup, the rigid horse
> >collar (to prevent choking), the compass, paper, printing, gunpowder,
> >porcelain.  (But not the horse-shoe, which implies that the Chinese did
> >not make use of the horse for transport.)"
> >  6: "But Chinese industrial history offers a number of examples of
> >technological regression and oblivion.  The machine to spin hemp was
> >never adapted to the manufacture of cotton; cotton spinning was never
> >mechanized; and coal/coke smelting was allowed to fall into disuse,
> >along with the iron industry.  Why, asks Elvin?" Elvin, Mark. 1973. The
> >Pattern of the Chinese Past Stanford: Stanford University Press): pp.
> >297-298.
> >  6: "Almost every element usually regarded by historians as a major
> >contributory cause to the Industrial Revolution in north-western Europe
> >was also present in China.  There had even been a revolution in the
> >relations between social classes, at least in the countryside; but this
> >had had no important effect on the techniques of production.  Only
> >Galilean-Newtonian science was missing; but in the short run this was
> >not important.  Had the Chinese possessed, or developed, the
> >seventeenth-century European mania for tinkering and improving, they
> >could easily have made an efficient spinning machine out of the
> >primitive model described by Wang Chen.  A steam engine would have been
> >more difficult; but it should not have posed insuperable difficulties
> >to a people who had been building double-acting piston flame-throwers
> >in the Sung dynasty.  The crucial point is that nobody tried. In most
> >fields, agriculture being the chief exception, Chinese technology
> >stopped progressing well before the point at which a lack of scientific
> >knowledge had become a serious obstacle."
> >  6: "Why indeed?  Sinologists have put forward several partial
> >explanations.  Those that I find most persuasive are the following.
> >First, China lacked a free market and institutionalized property
> >rights.  The Chinese state was always stepping in to interfere with
> >private enterprise -- to take over certain activities, to prohibit and
> >inhibit others, to manipulate prices, to exact bribes."
> >  9: "The Europeans knew much less of these interferences.  Instead,
> >they entered during these centuries into an exciting world of
> >innovation and emulation that challenged and tempted vested interests
> >and kept the forces of conservatism scrambling.  Changes were
> >cumulative, news of novelty spread fast and a new sense of progress and
> >achievement replaced an older, effete reverence for authority.  This
> >intoxicating sense of freedom touched (infected) all domains.  These
> >were years of heresies in the church, of popular initiatives that, we
> >can see now, anticipated the rupture of the Reformation; of new forms
> >of expression and collective action that challenged the older
> >organization of society and posed a threat to other polities; of new
> >ways of doing and making things that made newness a virtue and a source
> >of delight."
> >  9: Important in all this was the role of the Christian church in
> >Europe as custodian of knowledge and school for technicians.  One might
> >have expected otherwise: that organized spirituality, with its emphasis
> >on prayer and contemplation, would have had little interest in
> >technology; and that with its view of labor as penalty for original
> >sin, it would have had no concern to save labor.  And yet everything
> >seems to have worked in the opposite direction: The desire to free
> >clerics from time-consuming earthly tasks led to the introduction and
> >diffusion of power machinery and, beginning with the Cistercians in the
> >twelfth century, to the hiring of lay brothers (conversi) to do the
> >dirty work, which led in turn to an awareness of and attention to time
> >and productivity.  All of this gave rise on monastic estates to
> >remarkable assemblages of powered machinery-complex sequences designed
> >to make the most of the water power available and distribute it through
> >a series of industrial operations.  A description of the abbey of
> >Clairvaux in the mid-twelfth century (cited in White, 1978, p. 245-246)
> >exults in this versatility: "coquendis, cribrandis, vertendis,
> >terendis, rigandis, lavandis, molendis, molliendis, suum sine
> >contradictione praestans obsequium."  The author, clearly proud of
> >these achievements, further tells his readers that he will take the
> >liberty of joking (the medieval clerical equivalent of, "if you'll
> >pardon the expression"): the fulling hammers, he says, seem to have
> >dispensed the fullers of the penalty for their sins; and he thanks God
> >that such devices can mitigate the oppressive labor of men and spare
> >the backs of their horses."

--
Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
Chico, CA 95929

Tel. 530-898-5321
E-Mail michael at ecst.csuchico.edu
michaelperelman.wordpress.com

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