Charles,
I have combined your two queries into one to give a more comprehensive
response.



Charles Brown wrote:

Do you employ the distinction between gift exchange and commodity exchange
as it is developed in the literature of economic anthropology ? Marcel
Mauss, Sahlins et al ?

Charles

Yes, I do make that distinction though, in some cases, there was little
difference in them in that the gift exchange was a matter of
time-shifting in that potlatch gifts were expected to be paid back over
the following period before the next potlatch, sometimes with "interest"..

Jim,
I don't think you are right on this either. This is not to say there
were not 'wars' between tribes or communities, but any community that
preyed on members of another community would soon find itself the
subject of retributive action.  Neighbouring communities, for the most
part, appear to have maintained fairly peaceful relations, including
trade relations -- primarily, because the trade was beneficial to both
groups.

Paul P

^^^^^^
CB: These groups didn't treat land as private property ,did they ? These
were not actual private property regimes , no ?



Different aboriginal groups had somewhat different variants of social or
communal property rights. Personal property, including tools, clothes,
jewelry and certain totems, songs, masks, etc. were usually private
property.  Production property (resources, fishing, hunting and trapping
rights to specific regions) were communal (commons) but were allocated
to individuals, bands, hunting parties, families etc. by the communal
authority which differed among different first nations groups. e.g.
among the Pacific NW groups, the chief of the dominant house in the
village in theory "owned" the resources but they were allocated to house
families or subgroups basically on a customary basis.  The output
produced, however, was generally communally consumed during the winter
village period although each production unit was required to return a
certain percentage or amount to the chief for communal redistribution.
In some cases, the entire village would move to a particular fishing
area depending on the seasonal run where the fishing was a communal
effort.  This was also true for the interior Indians and for the plains
Indians for the annual buffalo hunts.  In the case of the agricultural
Indians (Hurons, for instance) land was claimed by the families of the
clan which first cleared and planted the land.  As I understand it, the
women of the clan tended the crops while the men went away in larger or
smaller hunting parties.  Consumption, again was communal within each
long house. Generally, since aboriginal religion was animistic based on
nature as 'god', individuals could not 'own' god but could only manage
and use the fruits of nature.

Paul P


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