http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/story/0,,2020350,00.html

First among equals
The abolition of slavery was the work of many. To canonise
Wilberforce is an injustice to history

Nigel Willmott
Saturday February 24, 2007
The Guardian

William Wilberforce probably had more influence than anyone else in
this place on the course of human history, Melvyn Bragg intoned
reverentially from Westminster Abbey in a special radio broadcast
this week marking 200 years since the abolition of the slave trade.
It's a dubious claim, given that the mortal remains of Newton and
Darwin are slowly evolving into dust nearby, but it may have some
literal truth. Those who might challenge Wilberforce's claim to be
The Man Who Abolished Slavery are not, and could not, be buried in
the abbey, given that a large number were nonconformists,
particularly Quakers. Of course Wilberforce, as the spokesman of the
anti-slavery movement in parliament and promoter of several bills to
outlaw it, played a key role, but to indulge in this canonisation of
one man is a travesty of history.

It not only ignores the role of black people themselves in the
colonies, who made slavery increasingly untenable through resistance
and rebellions - and, in the case of Haiti, outright revolution under
Toussaint L'Ouverture - but also those black leaders such as Olaudah
Equiano, who campaigned in Britain for abolition. And why
Wilberforce, a member of the Anglican-Tory establishment then
enriching itself on slavery, rather than those who created the
movement a generation before he even entered politics? Men such as
Granville Sharp, who fought legal battles to ensure the freedom of
runaway slaves, or the Rev Thomas Clarkson, the founder in 1787 of
the Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade. They were supported
by a nationwide movement, including great figures of the industrial
revolution: men such as Wedgwood - who raised funds with medallions
declaring "Am I not a man and a brother?" - Joseph Priestley, Erasmus
Darwin (grandfather of Charles) and other members of the Lunar
Society, committed abolitionists all. And if you want Anglican and
establishment figures, what about Lord Mansfield, who as chief
justice handed down the judgment - interpreted as "Britons never
shall be slaves" - that the runaway slave James Somerset could not be
returned to his "owner" on British soil. Of course it was much more
equivocal than that, but that didn't stop this case becoming a
rallying call for freedom. (Is it coincidence that Mansfield had a
much-loved adopted black daughter, Dido, immortalised in a painting
by Zoffany?)

But perhaps the biggest victim of this hagiography is the
anti-slavery movement itself: one of the greatest popular political
movements in British history, and in many ways the prototype of every
reform movement since - from the campaigns over suffrage and factory
hours, to anti-apartheid and the fight for racial equality and gay
rights - with its combination of legal challenges, parliamentary
lobbying and popular agitation. It is understandable why the
Victorians would want to enthrone Wilberforce, to claim the moral
high ground, as they sought to justify Britain's growing imperialism.
But why are we repeating this nursery-book history in 2007?

Slavery itself was abolished in Britain in 1833. The half-century of
struggle is in reality a complex history full of ambiguity (Mansfield
later ruled on a point of law in favour of a ship's captain who threw
slaves overboard); altruism mixed with self-interest (yes, slavery
was an inferior competitor to the new factories, as abolitionist Adam
Smith realised); and defeats and false dawns, elating and exhausting
campaigners by turn.

All this is being increasingly documented in books such as Adam
Hochschild's Bury the Chains and Michael Jordan's The Great Abolition
Sham, as well as in others with a wider remit - Simon Schama's Rough
Crossings usefully shows that it's not only the British establishment
that likes to rewrite history; the flight of tens of thousands of
slaves to enrol in the British forces to fight slave owners such as
Washington and Jefferson is a rarely told story of the American revolution.

So let's give Wilberforce his due. Perhaps, as Bragg has argued in
his Twelve Books That Changed the World, Wilberforce's 1789 arguments
in parliament should be seen as a key historical text. But remember
that the 1807 act was passed not because Wilberforce finally, after
25 years of trying, convinced the Anglican-Tory establishment that
the trade was wrong, but because a brief non-Tory government provided
the parliamentary arithmetic. The successful abolition bill was
promoted by Sir Samuel Romilly - not Wilberforce.

The Tories returned for the next 25 years and only with their defeat
in 1830 did the abolition of slavery itself come about, following the
Great Reform Act of 1832. Both acts were the result of huge popular
movements and political engagement, not of individual Great Men.
Let's celebrate the many, not the few.

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