----- Original Message -----
From: "Louis Proyect" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: <PEN-L@SUS.CSUCHICO.EDU>
Sent: Sunday, May 06, 2007 2:46 PM
Subject: Re: [PEN-L] Engels on Transition



Well, Brenner says that agrarian capitalism began in the 16th  century,
not the 17th century. As Allen's numbers point out, there was no
difference in productivity between France and England in 1700. There's
also a lot more that Albritton has to say that has a bearing  on the
topic, but I will save that for later.
__________

Yes, Brenner states clearly that the relations of agrarian capitalism
began in the 16th century.  Nothing Allen writes in his paper refutes
that.  Actually nothing  in Allen's paper is concerned with the origins
of agrarian capitalism.
___________

> Except that Allen's stats were about productivity, not growth.
________________

Yes, again but the sentences you omitted in the parse refer precisely to
"productivity" of yield  based on intensifed labor.
___________
 Yes, and Albritton documents that the social relations were nothing
like Brenner describes. English agrarian labor in the 17th and 18th
centuries was not at all like that described by Karl Marx in his
discussion of labor as a commodity.
___________
Yes, and no.  We are talking about the genesis of a social relation of
production, qualitatively different (unless someone here wants to argue
that Marx did not think the social relationship determining industrial
capitalism was different) than its precursors.  That relationship is
precisely the distinction inter-penetration between ownership of the
means of subsistence/production and the means of labor.  Brenner finds
that genesis in the English countryside, allowing for the "productive"
dispossession of the population from agriculture.
___________________
>
 Odd that Karl Marx would regard the plunder of gold and silver, and
> slavery, on an equal footing with the enclosures, etc. in "The
> Genesis of the Industrial Capitalist". I guess he was a neo-Smithian
_______________________
Marx thought much much more than just those overused and
under-understood paragraphs.  I would recommend a look into Volume 3 and
the Theories of Surplus Value.  I don't think Brenner would argue about
the "hot house" impact of those conditions of primitive accumulation,
but the point to all capitalist accumulation is the reproduction of the
social relations of capital-- that's what primitive accumulation is
supposed to accomplish.   Now we've been through this before, but
nothing in the terms of mercantilism, the slave trade, growth of the
cities, etc.  accomplishes, in and of itself, that radical
transformation of social relations.

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