Here is my take on the subject from my book, Railroading Economics.

_Ford's $5 Day_

Nowhere was the problem of turnover and absenteeism more severe than in
the factory of Henry Ford, where workers' dissatisfaction was running
dangerously high. Absenteeism in the Ford plant in 1913 had reached 10.5
percent (Slichter 1919, p. 266).

Turnover at the Ford plant had soared to 370 percent by 1913. The
company had to hire 50,448 men just to maintain average labor force of
13,623. Company surveys at Ford revealed that more than 7,300 workers
left in March 1913 alone. Of these, 18 percent were discharged; 11
percent formally quit; and 71 percent were let go because they missed
five days in row without excuse and so were deemed to have quit. On each
day, it was necessary to make use of 1300 or 1400 replacement workers
without any experience (Raff and Summers 1987, pp. S63-64). One observer
remarked, "the Ford Motor Co. had reached the point of owning a great
factory without having enough workers to keep it humming" (Sward 1986,
pp. 48-49).

Hiring new workers, even unskilled workers, and offering them a minimum
of training turned out to be an expensive proposition. Stephen Meyer
estimates that Ford spent $35 to break in each new worker. With 52,000
workers entering the Ford factory in 1913, the company lost $1,820,000
because of turnover (Meyer 1984). In addition, although conventional
union organizing was not much of a threat for most industrialists at the
time, the Industrial Workers of the World was threatening to organize
Ford's factory (Sward 1972, p. 51).

These conditions prompted Ford to initiate what was perhaps the most
dramatic precursor of welfare capitalism: his famous introduction of the
$5 a day wage. Although Ford's gesture seemed unexpectedly generous at
the time, Ford himself freely admitted that it his motives were entirely
self-interested:

There was ... no charity involved .... We wanted to pay these wages so
that business would be on a lasting foundation. We were building for the
future. A low wage business is always insecure. The payment of $5 a day
for an eight-hour day was one of the finest cost cutting moves we ever
made. [Ford 1922, pp. 126, 127, and 147; cited in Raff and Summers 1987,
p. S59]

Although Ford based his policy on sound business principles, the
business community was aghast at his behavior, excoriating Ford as a
"mad socialist" and a "traitor to his class." The _Wall Street Journal_
and other financial papers enthusiastically joined in the attack.

Nonetheless, the $5 wage was a brilliant stroke of capitalist genius. In
1914, the first year after Ford began the $5 wage, turnover fell
dramatically to 54 percent. By 1915, it dropped still further to 16
percent (Slichter 1919, pp. 243-44). Absenteeism also subsided, falling
to 0.4 percent in 1914 (Slichter 1919, p. 266).

Despite its effectiveness, the $5 plan was not exactly what it seemed to
be. It included a basic hourly wage of only 34 cents per hour plus a
profit-sharing rate of 28.5 cents. Workers did not automatically receive
the profit-sharing rate. Instead, eligibility profit sharing depended on
a number of special conditions. To begin with, workers had to perform
satisfactory work to participate in profit-sharing. In addition, Ford
disqualified all women. According to one source, "Women did not work on
the assembly line, and were not likely to drink and fail to show up for
work. They did not jump from job to job. So there was no reason to
include them" (Conot 1974, p. 175).

According to a 1914 Ford pamphlet, to qualify for the plan, a worker
also had to be at twenty-two least years, with six months seniority.
Ford imposed numerous other conditions for profit-sharing that seemed to
be unrelated to work. The company established a Sociological Department,
initially consisting of 200 inspectors, to investigate the workers to
see if they met the company's qualifications. They "visited workers'
homes gathering information and giving advice on intimate details of the
family budget, diet, living arrangements, recreation, social outlook and
morality" (Flink 1975, p. 89; see also Sward 1972, pp. 228-29; and
Harvey 1976, p. 277).

For example, the company had to be "satisfied that he [the qualified
worker] will not debauch the additional money he receives" (Raff and
Summers 1987, p. S69). Toward this end, the Sociological Department had
to be certain that the workers maintained a suitable home, refrained
from taking in boarders, operated no outside business, made sure that
the family did not associate with the wrong people, avoided excessive
smoking or drinking, and demonstrated adequate progress in learning
English. In addition, wives of qualified workers could not work outside
of the home (Conot 1984, p. 175-76). Furthermore, the inspectors had to
determine whether the workers displayed sufficient thrift, cleanliness,
"good manhood," and good citizenship (Conot 1984, p. 175). Workers also
had to tend gardens that the inspectors deemed to be adequate (Sward
1972, pp. 228-29). Not surprisingly, during first two years, 28 percent
of all male workers were disqualified from profit sharing.

Ford expected more than improved family life in return for his plan. He
expected near absolute obedience. One contemporary study of the Ford
system concluded that Ford "desires and prefers machine-tool operators
who have nothing to unlearn, who have no theories of correct surface
speeds for metal finishing, and will simply do what they are told to do,
over and over again, from bell-time to bell-time" (Arnold and Arnold
1919, pp. 41-42; cited in Montgomery 1987, p. 234).

Ford also expected that this obedience would translate into greater
effort from the workers. A production foreman named W. Klann reported,
"[They] called us in and said that since the workers were getting twice
the wages, [the management] wanted twice as much work. On the assembly
lines, we just simply turned up the speed of the lines" (Raff and
Summers 1987, p. S81).



--

Michael Perelman
Economics Department
California State University
michael at ecst.csuchico.edu
Chico, CA 95929
530-898-5321
fax 530-898-5901
www.michaelperelman.wordpress.com

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