Di bawah ini saya cantumkan artikel dari Sidney Morning Herald pagi ini.
Aussie bakalan mengarah ke wilayah lain. Dalam waktu yg tidak lama lagi
mereka akan mengincar Irian. Mungkin dengan modus operandi yg sama yaitu
mensuplai senjata. Seperti kemarin saya tulis, mereka memang ingin
mendominasi wilayah Asteng. Yang ironis mereka bukanlah negara Asia, bahkan
mereka sendiri yang menolak menjadi bagian dari Asia. Mereka menyebutkan
diri sebagai bagian dari negara Eropa berdasarkan warna kulit.
Supremasi kulit putih secara transparan diwujudkan dengan memaksakan diri
untuk menjadi leader dari UN Troops (not to mention nama operasi spionase
mereka yaitu WASP). Yang sekarang ini makin menyedihkan adalah keterangan
dari jubir PBB bahwa bentuk pasukan yang dikirim akan condong menjadi
Multinational Force ketimpang Peacekeeping Force yang digemborkan dulu.
Perbedaannya adalah Peacekeeping Force diambil dari 195 negara yg bersedia
dan biayanya ditarik dari 195 negara itu juga. Sementara itu Multinational
Force dibiayai oleh negara kontributor itu sendiri. Di sini, karena
pembiayaan dilakukan sendiri, maka negara kontributor mempunyai suara yg
lebih dominan thd PBB. PBB lalu hanya menjadi tukang stempel, sama dengan
kejadian Irak dulu.
Yang jelas mereka hendak dan sudah me-reshape regional policy. Mereka sudah
mengambil banyak keuntungan dari situasi Timtim dengan mengorbankan hubungan
dengan Timtim. Mereka juga sudah berkeinginan me-re-center hubungan dengan
RI. Lalu ngapain RI mesti menjaga hubungan dengan mereka. Langkah awal
adalah perkuat pertahanan di sepanjang NTT, Maluku Selatan (hanya beberapa
jengkal dari Timtim), dan juga perkuat Irian bagian Selatan dan Timur
(berjaga apakah mereka akan menyelundupkan senjata dari PNG). Mengenai
hubungan diplomatik, rasanya sudah waktunya untuk bersiap menarik Dubes RI
dari sana, bila Australia mulai mendiktekan kemauannya di Timtim dan terus
menerus melakukan agitasi thd RI. Ini saya rasa penting untuk menabok kepala
Australia yang telah bersikap arogan terhadap negara tetangga.
Rasa-rasanya bila ada pihak yang hendak menciptakan instability di Indonesia
dan di Asteng, maka RI harus merespond dengan cepat.
Berbicara mengenai Permias, PPI Selandia Baru mengadakan jumpa pers dan
dialog di televisi untuk meluruskan berita yang salah. Australia
berkali-kali memblow-up pembunuhan terhadap pastor dan para biarawati yang
ternyata tidak benar. Pemberitaan tentang selamatnya para pastor dan
biarawati (yg diberitakan tewas) di Darwin tidak pernah ditulis dengan
proporsi yg semestinya. Pemberitaan bahwa ayah Gusmao ternyata masih hidup
juga tidak dilakukan, pemberitaan bahwa Uskup Baucau yg ternyata tidak luka
juga tidak diberitakan.
Negeri kita saat ini benar-benar sedang diaduk-aduk kawan...;) Saya prihatin
bahwa Permias yg mestinya ikut meluruskan berita yg ngawur tidak mengambil
tindakan apa-apa. Yang ada malahan hendak menuntut IMF untuk menghentikan
bantuan/hutang. Shame on you (and shame on me?)....;)
Salam prihatin,
'--------------
How PM's triumph comes at a cost
By MICHELLE GRATTAN
John Howard flagged yesterday that the East Timor crisis and its
aftermath are likely to reshape Australia's regional and defence policy in
major ways.
His victory in forging a peacekeeping force will boost Australia's
regional role, and give it greater clout in its relationship with its
American allies - who by choice have been second fiddle players in the
East Timor crisis.
The Prime Minister said bluntly that Australia would have to accept
the lion's share of the burden of looking after a fledgling, independent
East Timor. It will be an expensive and continuing commitment, because the
country is devastated now and unlikely to be economically viable later.
He indicated that Australia's defence spending would need to rise,
pointing to the region's volatility. There was one important possibility he
did not mention. East Timor's independence can be expected to increase
separatist feelings in other parts of Indonesia.
Australia may be faced in a few years with the question of what
attitude it should adopt "to an East Timor situation in Irian Jaya".
Inevitably, success in getting the peacekeeping force is only the start of
another round of challenges. This is not going to be one of the easier
peacekeeping operations. There is a real risk to the Australians who go
there.
More broadly, how the operation works out has the potential to
enhance or harm the profile of Australia in the region.
That profile has already been changing, as Australia has survived the
Asian economic crisis unscathed. But its long-term shape is yet to
become clear.
In winning through on the peacekeeping force, Mr Howard performed
an impressive foreign and domestic juggling act.
The man who came to the prime ministership a foreign affairs novice
has now driven probably the most difficult Australian defence and
diplomatic initiative of a generation.
John Howard plays foreign policy a lot like home politics. He's dogged
and pragmatic. He doesn't give up; he's not easily diverted.
In the past week, he had to dramatise the crisis as he tried to focus
President Clinton's mind on it.
At the same time, he had to calm an incredibly agitated and, in parts
bellicose, Australia.
While arguing to Clinton that the US must contribute significantly, he
was telling Australians that intervention without Indonesia's consent
would be madness.
His unflappability and ability to see the politics in everything have
served him well in complicated diplomacy. He's unemotional and
unromantic about Asia. Not for him "the special relationship" with
Indonesia of Paul Keating's days.
But Howard also appreciates that Australia and Indonesia share
regional space and how they co-habit in the future is important.
He gave a dual message to the recalcitrant Indonesians.
The world would not tolerate their behaviour on Timor. But Australia
hadn't a grudge against Indonesia and the relationship can be positive
in the long term.
He was careful to take account of the intense political pressure on
President Habibie, praising him for calling the ballot, and for moving
towards democracy.
In negotiating with Clinton for a solid US contribution, Howard was
willing to be tough with a country he regards as "special". When he was
having trouble getting what he wanted, he put on a tantrum publicly.
He appealed to the President in terms Clinton would understand,
talking about how Australians would feel if the US welshed.
The Americans did not move as far as Howard wanted - their "boots
on the ground" will not be numerous - but they did move.
In dealing with domestic outrage, Howard was open and blunt. In media
briefings, he warned of the folly of rash action, using the terms
"invasion" and "war".
Howard had some luck on his side. The coincidental timing of the
APEC meeting in Auckland was crucial. Clinton HAD to focus on
Timor because he was going to APEC. And the corridors of power in
Auckland were a hothouse to nurture pressure on Jakarta.
Now there's a lot ahead of Australia. Immediately, there is some
Indonesian criticism of Australia leading the force. Howard is not
budging and nor should he. Kofi Annan invited Australia to lead. It
would be undesirable to allow Indonesia any sort of veto.
Then there is the logistic challenge of getting the force onto the ground
and operating it successfully. In the longer term, Australia has to
re-centre its relations with Indonesia.
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