Truthiness Stages a Comeback
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/21/opinion/21rich.html?_r=1&th&emc=th&oref=slogin
NOT until 2004 could the 9/11 commission at last reveal the title of
the intelligence briefing President Bush ignored on Aug. 6, 2001, in
Crawford: “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in U.S.” No wonder John
McCain called for a new “9/11 commission” to “get to the bottom” of
9/14, when the collapse of Lehman Brothers set off another kind of
blood bath in Lower Manhattan. Put a slo-mo Beltway panel in charge,
and Election Day will be ancient history before we get to the bottom
of just how little he and the president did to defend America against
a devastating new threat on their watch.

For better or worse, the candidacy of Barack Obama, a senator-come-
lately, must be evaluated on his judgment, ideas and potential to
lead. McCain, by contrast, has been chairman of the Senate Commerce
Committee, where he claims to have overseen “every part of our
economy.” He didn’t, thank heavens, but he does have a long and
relevant economic record that begins with the Keating Five scandal of
1989 and extends to this campaign, where his fiscal policies bear the
fingerprints of Phil Gramm and Carly Fiorina. It’s not the résumé that
a presidential candidate wants to advertise as America faces its worst
financial crisis since the Great Depression. That’s why the main
thrust of the McCain campaign has been to cover up his history of
economic malpractice.

McCain has largely pulled it off so far, under the guidance of Steve
Schmidt, a Karl Rove protégé. A Rovian political strategy by
definition means all slime, all the time. But the more crucial Rove
game plan is to envelop the entire presidential race in a thick fog of
truthiness. All campaigns, Obama’s included, engage in false attacks.
But McCain, Sarah Palin and their surrogates keep repeating the same
lies over and over not just to smear their opponents and not just to
mask their own record. Their larger aim is to construct a bogus
alternative reality so relentless it can overwhelm any haphazard
journalistic stabs at puncturing it.

When a McCain spokesman told Politico a week ago that “we’re not too
concerned about what the media filter tries to say” about the
campaign’s incessant fictions, he was channeling a famous Bush dictum
of 2003: “Somehow you just got to go over the heads of the filter.” In
Bush’s case, the lies lobbed over the heads of the press were to sell
the war in Iraq. That propaganda blitz, devised by a secret White
House Iraq Group that included Rove, was a triumph. In mere months,
Americans came to believe that Saddam Hussein had aided the 9/11
attacks and even that Iraqis were among the hijackers. A largely cowed
press failed to set the record straight.

Just as the Bushies once flogged uranium from Africa, so Palin
ceaselessly repeats her discredited claim that she said “no thanks” to
the Bridge to Nowhere. Nothing is too small or sacred for the McCain
campaign to lie about. It was even caught (by The Christian Science
Monitor) peddling an imaginary encounter between Cindy McCain and
Mother Teresa when McCain was adopting her daughter in Bangladesh.

If you doubt that the big lies are sticking, look at the latest
Washington Post/ABC News poll. Half of voters now believe in the daily
McCain refrain that Obama will raise their taxes. In fact, Obama
proposes raising taxes only on the 1.9 percent of households that make
more than $250,000 a year and cutting them for nearly everyone else.

You know the press is impotent at unmasking this truthiness when the
hardest-hitting interrogation McCain has yet faced on television came
on “The View.” Barbara Walters and Joy Behar called him on several
falsehoods, including his endlessly repeated fantasy that Palin
opposed earmarks for Alaska. Behar used the word “lies” to his face.
The McCains are so used to deference from “the filter” that Cindy
McCain later complained that “The View” picked “our bones clean.” In
our news culture, Behar, a stand-up comic by profession, looms as the
new Edward R. Murrow.

Network news, with its dwindling handful of investigative reporters,
has barely mentioned, let alone advanced, major new print revelations
about Cindy McCain’s drug-addiction history (in The Washington Post)
and the rampant cronyism and secrecy in Palin’s governance of Alaska
(in last Sunday’s New York Times). At least the networks repeatedly
fact-check the low-hanging fruit among the countless Palin lies, but
John McCain’s past usually remains off limits.

That’s strange since the indisputable historical antecedent for our
current crisis is the Lincoln Savings and Loan scandal of the go-go
1980s. When Charles Keating’s bank went belly up because of risky,
unregulated investments, it wiped out its depositors’ savings and cost
taxpayers more than $3 billion. More than 1,000 other S.&L.
institutions capsized nationwide.

It was ugly for the McCains. He had received more than $100,000 in
Keating campaign contributions, and both McCains had repeatedly hopped
on Keating’s corporate jet. Cindy McCain and her beer-magnate father
had invested nearly $360,000 in a Keating shopping center a year
before her husband joined four senators in inappropriate meetings with
regulators charged with S.&L. oversight.

After Congressional hearings, McCain was reprimanded for “poor
judgment.” He had committed no crime and had not intervened to protect
Keating from ruin. Yet he, like many deregulators in his party, was
guilty of bankrupt policy-making before disaster struck. He was among
the sponsors of a House resolution calling for the delay of
regulations intended to deter risky investments just like those that
brought down Lincoln and its ilk.

Ever since, McCain has publicly thrashed himself for his mistakes back
then — and boasted of the lessons he learned. He embraced campaign
finance reform to rebrand himself as a “maverick.” But whatever
lessons he learned are now forgotten.

For all his fiery calls last week for a Wall Street crackdown, McCain
opposed the very regulations that might have helped avert the current
catastrophe. In 1999, he supported a law co-authored by Gramm (and
ultimately signed by Bill Clinton) that revoked the New Deal reforms
intended to prevent commercial banks, insurance companies and
investment banks from mingling their businesses. Equally laughable is
the McCain-Palin ticket’s born-again outrage over the greed of Wall
Street C.E.O.’s. When McCain’s chief financial surrogate, Fiorina, was
fired as Hewlett-Packard’s chief executive after a 50 percent drop in
shareholders’ value and 20,000 pink slips, she took home a package
worth $42 million.

The McCain campaign canceled Fiorina’s television appearances last
week after she inadvertently admitted that Palin was unqualified to
run a corporation. But that doesn’t mean Fiorina is gone. Gramm, too,
was ostentatiously exiled after he blamed the economic meltdown on our
“nation of whiners” and “mental recession,” but he remains in the
McCain loop.

The corporate jets, lobbyists and sleazes that gravitated around
McCain in the Keating era have also reappeared in new incarnations.
The Nation’s Web site recently unearthed a photo of the resolutely
anticelebrity McCain being greeted by the con man Raffaello Follieri
and his then girlfriend, the Hollywood actress Anne Hathaway, as
McCain celebrated his 70th birthday on Follieri’s rented yacht in
Montenegro in August 2006. It’s the perfect bookend to the old
pictures of McCain in a funny hat partying with Keating in the
Bahamas.

Whatever blanks are yet to be filled in on Obama, we at least know his
economic plans and the known quantities who are shaping them (Lawrence
Summers, Robert Rubin, Paul Volcker). McCain has reversed himself on
every single economic issue this year, often within a 24-hour period,
whether he’s judging the strength of the economy’s fundamentals or the
wisdom of the government bailout of A.I.G. He once promised that he’d
run every decision past Alan Greenspan — and even have him write a new
tax code — but Greenspan has jumped ship rather than support McCain’s
biggest flip-flop, his expansion of the Bush tax cuts. McCain’s
official chief economic adviser is now Douglas Holtz-Eakin, who last
week declared that McCain had “helped create” the BlackBerry.

But Holtz-Eakin’s most telling statement was about McCain’s economic
plans — namely, that the details are irrelevant. “I don’t think it’s
imperative at this moment to write down what the plan should be,” he
said. “The real issue here is a leadership issue.” This, too, is a
Rove-Bush replay. We want a tough guy who will “fix” things with his
own two hands — let’s take out the S.E.C. chairman! — instead of wimpy
Frenchified Democrats who just “talk.” The fine print of policy is
superfluous if there’s a quick-draw decider in the White House.

The twin-pronged strategy of truculence and propaganda that sold Bush
and his war could yet work for McCain. Even now his campaign has kept
the “filter” from learning the very basics about his fitness to serve
as president — his finances and his health. The McCain
multihousehold’s multimillion-dollar mother lode is buried in Cindy
McCain’s still-unreleased complete tax returns. John McCain’s full
medical records, our sole index to the odds of an imminent Palin
presidency, also remain locked away. The McCain campaign instead
invited 20 chosen reporters to speed-read through 1,173 pages of
medical history for a mere three hours on the Friday before Memorial
Day weekend. No photocopying was permitted.

This is the same tactic of selective document release that the Bush
White House used to bamboozle Congress and the press about Saddam’s
nonexistent W.M.D. As truthiness repeats itself, so may history, and
not as farce.

More Articles in Opinion » A version of this article appeared in print
on September 21, 2008, on page WK9 of the New York edition.
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