Army deploys combat unit in US for possible civil unrest
By Bill Van Auken

For the first time ever, the US military is deploying an active duty
regular Army combat unit for full-time use inside the United States to
deal with emergencies, including potential civil unrest.

Beginning on October 1, the First Brigade Combat Team of the Third
Division will be placed under the command of US Army North, the Army’s
component of the Pentagon’s Northern Command (NorthCom), which was
created in the wake of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks with
the stated mission of defending the US “homeland” and aiding federal,
state and local authorities.

The unit—known as the “Raiders”—is among the Army’s most “blooded.” It
has spent nearly three out of the last five years deployed in Iraq,
leading the assault on Baghdad in 2003 and carrying out house-to-house
combat in the suppression of resistance in the city of Ramadi. It was
the first brigade combat team to be sent to Iraq three times.

While active-duty units previously have been used in temporary
assignments, such as the combat-equipped troops deployed in New
Orleans, which was effectively placed under martial law in the wake of
Hurricane Katrina, this marks the first time that an Army combat unit
has been given a dedicated assignment in which US soil constitutes its
“battle zone.”

The Pentagon’s official pronouncements have stressed the role of
specialized units in a potential response to terrorist attack within
the US. Gen. George Casey, the Army chief of staff, attended a
training exercise last week for about 250 members of the unit at Fort
Stewart, Georgia. The focus of the exercise, according to the Army’s
public affairs office, was how troops “might fly search and rescue
missions, extract casualties and decontaminate people following a
catastrophic nuclear attack in the nation’s heartland.”

“We are at war with a global extremist network that is not going
away,” Casey told the soldiers. “I hope we don’t have to use it, but
we need the capability.”

However, the mission assigned to the nearly 4,000 troops of the First
Brigade Combat Team does not consist merely of rescuing victims of
terrorist attacks. An article that appeared earlier this month in the
Army Times (“Brigade homeland tours start Oct. 1”), a publication that
is widely read within the military, paints a different and far more
ominous picture.

“They may be called upon to help with civil unrest and crowd control,”
the paper reports. It quotes the unit’s commander, Col. Robert
Cloutier, as saying that the 1st BCT’s soldiers are being trained in
the use of “the first ever nonlethal package the Army has fielded.”
The weapons, the paper reported, are “designed to subdue unruly or
dangerous individuals without killing them.” The equipment includes
beanbag bullets, shields and batons and equipment for erecting
roadblocks.

It appears that as part of the training for deployment within the US,
the soldiers have been ordered to test some of this non-lethal
equipment on each other.

“I was the first guy in the brigade to get Tasered,” Cloutier told the
Army Times. He described the effects of the electroshock weapon as
“your worst muscle cramp ever—times 10 throughout your whole body.”

The colonel’s remark suggests that, in preparation for their
“homefront” duties, rank-and-file troops are also being routinely
Tasered. The brutalizing effect and intent of such a macabre training
exercise is to inure troops against sympathy for the pain and
suffering they may be called upon to inflict on the civilian
population using these same “non-lethal” weapons.

According to military officials quoted by the Army Times, the
deployment of regular Army troops in the US begun with the First
Brigade Combat Team is to become permanent, with different units
rotated into the assignment on an annual basis.

In an online interview with reporters earlier this month, NorthCom
officers were asked about the implications of the new deployment for
the Posse Comitatus Act, the 230-year-old legal statute that bars the
use of US military forces for law enforcement purposes within the US
itself.

Col. Lou Volger, NorthCom’s chief of future operations, tried to
downplay any enforcement role, but added, “We will integrate with law
enforcement to understand the situation and make sure we’re aware of
any threats.”

Volger acknowledged the obvious, that the Brigade Combat Team is a
military force, while attempting to dismiss the likelihood that it
would play any military role. It “has forces for security,” he said,
“but that’s really—they call them security forces, but that’s really
just to establish our own footprint and make sure that we can operate
and run our own bases.”

Lt. Col. James Shores, another NorthCom officer, chimed in, “Let’s say
even if there was a scenario that developed into a branch of a civil
disturbance—even at that point it would take a presidential directive
to even get it close to anything that you’re suggesting.”

Whatever is required to trigger such an intervention, clearly Col.
Cloutier and his troops are preparing for it with their hands-on
training in the use of “non-lethal” means of repression.

The extreme sensitivity of the military brass on this issue
notwithstanding, the reality is that the intervention of the military
in domestic affairs has grown sharply over the last period under
conditions in which its involvement in two colonial-style wars abroad
has given it a far more prominent role in American political life.

The Bush administration has worked to tear down any barriers to the
use of the military in domestic repression. Thus, in the 2007 Pentagon
spending bill it inserted a measure to amend the Posse Comitatus Act
to clear the way for the domestic deployment of the military in the
event of natural disaster, terrorist attack or “other conditions in
which the president determines that domestic violence has occurred to
the extent that state officials cannot maintain public order.”

The provision granted the president sweeping new powers to impose
martial law by declaring a “public emergency” for virtually any
reason, allowing him to deploy troops anywhere in the US and to take
control of state-based National Guard units without the consent of
state governors in order to “suppress public disorder.”

The provision was subsequently repealed by Congress as part of the
2008 military appropriations legislation, but the intent remains.
Given the sweeping powers claimed by the White House in the name of
the “commander in chief” in a global war on terror—powers to suspend
habeas corpus, carry out wholesale domestic spying and conduct torture—
there is no reason to believe it would respect legal restrictions
against the use of military force at home.

It is noteworthy that the deployment of US combat troops “as an on-
call federal response force for natural or manmade emergencies and
disasters”—in the words of the Army Times—coincides with the eruption
of the greatest economic emergency and financial disaster since the
Great Depression of the 1930s.

Justified as a response to terrorist threats, the real source of the
growing preparations for the use of US military force within America’s
borders lies not in the events of September 11, 2001 or the danger
that they will be repeated. Rather, the domestic mobilization of the
armed forces is a response by the US ruling establishment to the
growing threat to political stability.

Under conditions of deepening economic crisis, the unprecedented
social chasm separating the country’s working people from the
obscenely wealthy financial elite becomes unsustainable within the
existing political framework.


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