US bank losses wipe out years of paper profits
By Barry Grey
18 October 2008

A milestone was reached Thursday by the US banking system: With the
announcement by Citigroup and Merrill Lynch of billions of dollars in
additional losses in their third quarter reports, all of the profits
accumulated by the nine biggest banks during the three-and-a-half-year
housing boom had vanished.

In an article headlined “Banks Are Likely to Hold Tight to Bailout
Money,” the New York Times reported Friday that Citigroup’s $13.2
billion in charges and Merrill Lynch’s $5.15 billion in write-downs
brought the total losses of the major banks since the credit crisis
erupted in mid-2007 to $323 billion, surpassing the $305 billion taken
in from early 2004 to mid-2007 by Citigroup, Merrill Lynch, Bank of
America, Morgan Stanley, JPMorgan Chase, Goldman Sachs, Wells Fargo,
Washington Mutual and Wachovia.

“For every dollar the banks earned during the industry’s most
prosperous years,” the Times noted, “they have now wiped out $1.06.”

Commenting in measured terms on the collapse of what amounts to a
gigantic Ponzi scheme perpetrated by the most powerful financial
firms, Richard Sylla, an economist and financial historian at the
Stern School of Business at New York University, said, “The losses now
are showing that in some sense the profits reported in earlier years
were not real, because they were taking too much risk then.”

This was a reference to the proliferation of exotic and opaque
speculative financial instruments—collateralized debt obligations,
structured investment vehicles, credit default swaps—that were devised
by the wizards of Wall Street to generate super profits based on a
mountain of debt backed by virtually no real value. On the basis of
these paper values, they rewarded themselves with salaries and bonuses
in the tens and hundreds of millions of dollars.

Now, standing in the midst of the ruins of their own firms and the
onset of an economic catastrophe for millions of working people in the
US and around the world, these very same bankers are declaring that
they have no intention any time soon of using the billions in taxpayer
money handed them by the government to resume lending and unfreeze the
credit markets—the ostensible purpose of the bailout measures whose
estimated cost to the American people has risen to $2.25 trillion.

The collapse of the financial house of cards has exposed the
ideological nostrums that have been used to defend American capitalism—
such as the infallibility of the market and the irreplaceable role of
the capitalist “risk-takers,” the supposed justification for their
stratospheric compensation packages.

The gospel of the “free market,” which has, particularly over the past
three decades, become the secular religion of the entire political
establishment, has proven to be a recipe for social disaster. In one
sense, however, the system has worked quite well. It has performed its
essential function of generating colossal levels of personal wealth
for the financial aristocracy.

The Financial Times reported last month that compensation for major
executives of the seven largest US banks totaled $95 billion over the
past three years, even as the banks recorded $500 billion in losses.

Small shareholders have been ruined; pensions, IRAs and 401(K)s have
been decimated, factories are closing and families in the millions are
losing their homes—but the Wall Street titans get to keep every penny
they have pocketed for themselves.

To give some idea of sums involved, John Thain, the head of Merrill
Lynch and, according to the Associated Press, the best-paid CEO, took
in $83 million in 2007. His bank averted collapse last month by
agreeing to be bought by Bank of America. Merrill’s write-downs from
mid-2007 through the third quarter of 2008 total close to $55 billion,
or 254 percent of the bank’s profits from 2004 through the first half
of 2007.

Lloyd Blankfein, the CEO of Goldman Sachs (formerly headed by Treasury
Secretary Henry Paulson), received $68 million in 2007.

John Mack, the head of Morgan Stanley, received $41.8 million in
compensation last year, and his 2007 holdings in Morgan Stanley stock
were worth $220 million. Morgan Stanley has written off about $15
billion in bad assets, equal to 70 percent of its boom-time profits.

JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon’s total 2008 compensation, according to
Forbes magazine, is $27,797,000. His bank has written off some $23
billion over the past 20 months.

At the height of the profit boom, in December of 2006, Wall Street
awarded Christmas bonuses totaling more than $100 billion. This sum
was more than twice the annual budget of the US Department of Housing
and Urban Development and nearly twice the US Department of Education
budget. It was five times what Washington spent on foreign aid to the
entire world, and twice the budget of the City of New York, which
employed 250,000 people.

The Wall Street bailout has provided a valuable lesson on the nature
of class relations in America. It has exposed the subservience of the
state, behind the trappings of democracy, to the financial
aristocracy.

Paulson had to plead with the top CEOs to agree to his plan to inject
$250 billion in public funds into the banks, $125 billion going to the
nine largest firms, through a government purchase of stock. They
agreed only when he presented the terms of the deal and it became
clear how extraordinarily favorable they were—as the Times put it,
“more favorable than they would have received in the marketplace.”

Indeed. The banks will be charged cut-rate fees in return for the
cash, there will be no real limits on executive pay, and the
government will exercise no control over their operations. There is
not even a requirement that the banks use the public money to extend
credit to other banks, businesses or individuals.

“The government,” the Times wrote, “offered no written requirement
about how or when the banks must use the money.” The newspaper quoted
John C. Dugan, the comptroller of the currency, affirming that he
“would not examine how the banks use the money.”

They could use it to acquire weaker competitors, or just hoard it.

Despite a public plea by Paulson on Monday for the banks to use their
government handout to resume lending, the bankers are making no such
commitment. Said Merrill’s Thain on Thursday, “We will have the
opportunity to redeploy that. But at least for the next quarter, it’s
just going to be a cushion.”

Roger Freeman, an analyst at Barclays Capital, said, “My expectation
is it’s quarters off, not months off, before you see that capital
being put to work.”

Despite this carte blanche for the bankers, it was deemed necessary to
roll out George W. Bush on Friday to reassure Wall Street that there
were no strings attached and no hint of nationalization in the bailout
scheme. Speaking before the US Chamber of Commerce early Friday morning
—his remarks timed to precede the opening of the stock market—Bush
paid obeisance to “democratic capitalism” as “the greatest system ever
devised.”

“Some have viewed this temporary measure as a step toward
nationalizing banks,” he said. “This is simply not the case.”

To dispel all doubts, he specified key terms of the deal: “The
government will not exercise control over any private firm. Federal
officers will not have a seat around your local bank’s boardroom
table. The shares owned by the government will have voting rights that
can be used only to protect the taxpayers’ investment, not to direct
the firm’s operations.

“The government intervention is not a gov”ernment takeover. Its
purpose is not to weaken the free market; it is to preserve the free
market.

He added, “We must not blur the line between the government and the
private sector. We must not supplant the profit motive with political
motives.”

Everyone in the audience understood that “political motives” was a
euphemism for infringing on profit and the wealth of the financial
elite to address the social crisis facing the working class.


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