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*by Roderick Long http://c4ss.org/content/23042
<http://mailtrack.me/tracking/raWzMz50paMkCGt4AGL4AQVkBFMypaO2L3MlLJq2pG0kAwL5BGZ1BGLzrKMurUMkCGV1BGV4AGL0ZG8>*

The main plotline of the *Star Wars* prequel trilogy concerns an apparent
conflict between the central government (the Senate) on the one hand and a
coalition of mercantile interests (the Trade Federation, the Commerce
Guild, etc.) on the other. As events unfold, however, it quickly becomes
obvious to the audience (though much less quickly to the protagonists) that
the conflict is largely a ruse, with the leadership of the two sides
(Chancellor Palpatine and Count Dooku, respectively) secretly working hand
in glove.

Which isn’t to say that all is rosy between them. Each wants to be the
dominant partner; witness Dooku’s failed attempt to betray Palpatine
in *Episode
II*, and Palpatine’s successful backstabbing of Dooku and his corporate
allies in *Episode III*. Still, the partnership is stable enough to succeed
in manipulating the protagonists into unwittingly undermining the very
liberty they have been seeking to protect. As the pseudo-conflict
escalates, there are, in the words of *Episode III*’s opening crawl,
“heroes on both sides” – but the good guys on the two sides have been duped
into fighting one another, each side grasping the evil of the other side’s
leadership but not yet that of its own.

Unfortunately, this is not just science fiction.

During the first half of the 20th century, there was a widespread
perception that big government and big business were fundamentally at odds.
Free-market individualists generally regarded themselves as defenders of
peaceful business interests against the rapacious state. Those on the left
saw the same opposition though with the reverse evaluation; for them
government, especially (in the U.S.) the federal government, was the
champion of the common people against rapacious business interests. To be
sure, the libertarians would periodically complain about businesses seeking
subsidies and protectionism, and the left would periodically complain about
governmental violations of civil liberties – but by and large each side saw
these problems as embarrassing deviations from the mostly noble record of
their favoured allies.

It hadn’t always been so. In the late 19th and *very* early 20th century,
there was a much more widespread understanding among both leftists and
free-marketers of the symbiotic relationship between state and corporate
power. Just imagine telling William Graham Sumner, or Benjamin Tucker, or
Emma Goldman, that the relationship between government and business is one
of enmity!

But this insight seems to have gotten submerged in the triumphant advance
of progressivism and social democracy. By the 1920s Sumner was dead, Tucker
in voluntary exile, and Goldman deported; and former anarchists like Victor
Yarros had forgotten everything they’d once
known<http://mailtrack.me/tracking/raWzMz50paMkCGt4AGL4AQVkBFMypaO2L3MlLJq2pG0kAwL5BGZ1BGLzrKMurUMkCGV1BGV4AGL0Zwj>
about
class analysis. By the 1930s, it was possible for someone like FDR to
cartelise the entire economy under a plutocratic elite and yet have his
policies viewed (with admiration in some quarters, alarm in others) as an
assault on the business class on behalf of workers and the downtrodden.

But in the 1960s things began to change, with the discovery, or
rediscovery, of what came to be known as *corporate liberalism*. It’s no
coincidence that this era saw the emergence of both the new left and modern
libertarianism – and both movements differed from their predecessors
precisely over this question. The research of new left historians like
Gabriel Kolko, James Weinstein, and William Appleman Williams, and journals
like *Studies on the Left*, revealed that the corporate elite had been both
the chief beneficiaries of and the chief lobbyists for the supposedly
anti-business regulations of the Progressive Era; and Murray Rothbard and
his associates at the journal *Left and
Right*<http://mailtrack.me/tracking/raWzMz50paMkCGt4AGL4AQVkBFMypaO2L3MlLJq2pG0kAwL5BGZ1BGLzrKMurUMkCGV1BGV4AGL0Zm0>
and
its successor *Libertarian
Forum*<http://mailtrack.me/tracking/raWzMz50paMkCGt4AGL4AQVkBFMypaO2L3MlLJq2pG0kAwL5BGZ1BGLzrKMurUMkCGV1BGV4AGL0AQb>
eagerly
brought the same message to the libertarian “right.” Free-marketers were
discovering that their beloved business class, far from being Ayn Rand“s
“persecuted minority,” had all along been in league with the hated state;
while those on the left were simultaneously learning that their beloved
liberal state, far from being the bulwark of the poor against the
plutocracy, had all along been in league with the hated corporate elite.

In a famous 1965
speech<http://mailtrack.me/tracking/raWzMz50paMkCGt4AGL4AQVkBFMypaO2L3MlLJq2pG0kAwL5BGZ1BGLzrKMurUMkCGV1BGV4AGL0AGf>,
SDS president Carl Oglesby spoke for much of the new left in pointing out
that the “menacing coalition of industrial and military power” and its
“demand for acquiescence” against which he and his fellow radicals were
organising were “creatures … of a Government that since 1932 has considered
itself to be fundamentally liberal.”

The original commitment in Vietnam was made by President Truman, a
mainstream liberal. It was seconded by President Eisenhower, a moderate
liberal. It was intensified by the late President Kennedy, a flaming
liberal. Think of the men who now engineer that war – those who study the
maps, give the commands, push the buttons, and tally the dead: Bundy,
McNamara, Rusk, Lodge, Goldberg, the President himself. … They are all
liberals.

Oglesby concluded that “corporate liberalism …. performs for the corporate
state a function quite like what the Church once performed for the feudal
state. It seeks to justify its burdens and protect it from change.”

On the libertarian side, Rothbard was
arguing<http://mailtrack.me/tracking/raWzMz50paMkCGt4AGL4AQVkBFMypaO2L3MlLJq2pG0kAwL5BGZ1BGLzrKMurUMkCGV1BGV4AGL0Awt>
in
the same year that the political program of big business had always been to
“fasten upon the economy a cement of subsidy, stabilization, and monopoly
privilege,” and that the aim and effect of the New Deal in particular had
simply been “to impose a State monopoly capitalism through the NRA, to
subsidize business, banking, and agriculture through inflation and the
partial expropriation of the mass of the people through lower real wage
rates, and to the regulation and exploitation of labor by means of
government-fixed wages and compulsory arbitration.”

Corporate liberalism functions via a façade of opposition between a
purportedly progressive statocracy and a purportedly pro-market plutocracy.
The con operates by co-opting potential opponents of the establishment;
those who recognise that something’s amiss with the statocratic wing are
lured into supporting the plutocratic wing, and vice versa. Whenever the
voters grow weary of the plutocracy, they’re offered the alleged
alternative of an FDR or JFK; whenever they grow weary of the statocracy,
they’re offered the alleged alternative of a Reagan or Thatcher. Perhaps
the balance of power shifts slightly toward one side or the other; but the
system remains essentially unchanged. (Which explains, for example, why the
recent much-trumpeted power shift in Congress has resulted in precious
little policy change.)

Alas, just as the insights of the 19th century were largely lost by the
1920s, so the insights of the 1960s seem to have become largely lost by the
1980s. Probably Reagan indeed played a crucial role in sowing confusion
once more, this time by wrapping fascism in libertarian rhetoric just as
the Progressives and FDR had wrapped fascism in leftist rhetoric. In any
case, many libertarians today (sometimes even professed followers of
Rothbard) have gone back to thinking of business as a persecuted minority
to be defended against the creeping “socialism” of the regulatory state,
while many on the left (sometimes even professed anarchists, like Noam
Chomsky) look to the federal government as a bulwark against so-called
“laissez-faire” and indulge in nostalgia for the New Deal.

If the left/libertarian coalition of the 19th century, abortively
re-attempted in the 1960s, is to be reestablished, as it should be, it is
above all an understanding of the nature of corporate liberalism – its
*non-accidental* nature, given the incentives inherent in state power –
that must be revived.

[image: flattr 
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-- 
Sean Gabb
Director, The Libertarian Alliance (Carbon Positive since 1979)
[email protected]  Tel: 07956 472 199 Skype: seangabb

Postal Address: Suite 35,  2 Lansdowne Row, London W1J 6HL, England

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Sean Gabb's  latest book, Freedom of Speech in England: Its Present State
and Likely 
Prospects<http://mailtrack.me/tracking/raWzMz50paMkCGt4AGL4AQVkBFMypaO2L3MlLJq2pG0kAwL5BGZ1BGLzrKMurUMkCGV1BGV4AGL1AGb>,
is a defence of freedom of speech without exceptions. A free pdf version
can be downloaded from
here<http://mailtrack.me/tracking/raWzMz50paMkCGt4AGL4AQVkBFMypaO2L3MlLJq2pG0kAwL5BGZ1BGLzrKMurUMkCGV1BGV4AGL1Awx>.
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here<http://mailtrack.me/tracking/raWzMz50paMkCGt4AGL4AQVkBFMypaO2L3MlLJq2pG0kAwL5BGZ1BGLzrKMurUMkCGV1BGV4AGL1Amt>to
see other books by him, or
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see books by Richard Blake.



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