Assessing The Terrorist Threat To The Sochi Olympics - Analysis

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By Geopolitical Monitor



By Laurent Vinatier



On July 3rd 2013, in a video published on YouTube that was almost

immediately taken down, Doku Umarov, the self-proclaimed emir of a Caucasus

Emirate in the southwest of the Russian Federation, lifted the moratorium on

military operations targeting civilians that he unilaterally declared

several months ago. He also called on his troops to do everything possible

to oppose and to prevent the proper execution of the Sochi Winter Games in

February 2014. The Caucasian leader could not forego this ideal occasion to

remind the world of the enduring struggle led first by the Chechens in their

fight for independence (1994-2005) and then taken up by a very loose network

of Islamist armed groups that thrived in the neighboring republics of

Dagestan, Ingushetia and Kabardino-Balkaria. What does this Caucasus Emirate

represent today? And what can its fighters do?



Russian federal security forces regularly launch operations to eliminate

local or regional emirs throughout region. In Dagestan for instance, the

"republic" leader hardly ever survives for more than one year at a time. In

Kabardino-Balkaria as well, the insurgency has been successively decapitated

in 2010, in 2011 and in 2012, losing not only its leader but all of its

deputies as well. In Chechnya, in January 2013, the Gakaev brothers, famous

and well-respected warlords among the Chechen guerillas, were killed after

six days of fighting. It is said that, almost out of ammunition, they asked

their comrades to shoot them. The two brothers were the last of the reputed

second-generation combatants who inherited the historical independence

struggle, and who in 2013 were still in control of the most important

insurgent groups in Chechnya. As for the Ingush, after losing Commandant

Magas, their hero, in 2010, who has been imprisoned in Moscow, his

successor, Emir Adam was killed in May 2013. The North-Caucasian guerillas,

usually loosely structured, are now outright destabilized. To cope with

these recurrent strategic losses, the armed groups have retreated to

reorganize and recoup their tactical capacity.



Thus, insurgent actions in the region have become rarer and rarer. Neither

Doku Umarov nor any of his regional emirs have engaged in any coordinated

and significant operations for at least two years. The guerilla groups have

entered into a defensive survival strategy, more reactive and

resource-light. In Kabardino-Balkaria, the leadership vacuum has advanced

quite a bit, resulting in autonomous groups of just a few fighters, around

five usually though sometimes one or two, who get together and act by

themselves, without any orders from above. Elsewhere, in Dagestan for

instance, the relevant level seems to be the city or the village, where

locally-active insurgents operate. Only at this very small scale do

engagement and decision-making exist. North-Caucasian armed mobilizations

are working on a bottom-up model. This explains the absence of overall

coherence between the different victims targeted by the Emirate and the much

more diversified militant groups dispersed throughout the region.



The Caucasus Emirate, clearly losing strength against Russia, is benefitting

from the growing role played by Syria insofar that some Caucasian nationals

have successfully waged war against Assad's loyalist forces. One of them is

Abu-Umar ash-Shishani, a Chechen from Georgia (ethnic Kist living in the

Pankissi Valley), who has attained a high position in the Islamic State of

Iraq and Sham, one of the most powerful organizations within the Syrian

opposition. His authority and prestige stem mainly from his operational

capabilities, as well as his men's fighting skills. The "advertisement"

effect for the Caucasus Emirate works perfectly here. Beyond Sochi, the

Caucasian Islamist struggle has been forgotten by the world. The Syrian

struggle has afforded it a chance to recover some visibility. Gradually

then, thanks to a few Caucasian relays in Syria, Doku Umarov's Caucasus

Emirate has been noticed by international Salafist-Jihadist movements, and

it is now recognized as one of the global Jihad fronts alongside Yemen,

Afghanistan or Somalia.



The North-Caucasian insurgency resembles a myriad of anarchic armed groups

rather than a proactive and structured movement. It undeniably maintains a

capacity to cause harm, but it does not seem to be able to translate that

nuisance into an operational and strategic breakthrough. For example, an

isolated suicide attack, as the one on October 21st in Volgograd, where a

young woman entered a city bus and triggered a bomb, may still theoretically

be possible. But considering the heavy security presence that the Russian

forces have implemented around Sochi, a successful attack would require an

effective and powerful organization behind it. That's why it is rather

unlikely that a suicide bomber, sent by the Emirate, will manage to attack

the Games.



Dr. Laurent Vinatier is a research assistant at the Thomas Moore Institute

and a contributor to the Geopoliticalmonitor.com



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