*A CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION CAN NOT BE CONTROLLED*by Tom DeWeese
October 25, 2011
NewsWithViews.com

As Americans become more frightened by the disastrous
direction our government is taking, and more frustrated that
elected representatives are not listening to them, the
demand is growing for drastic action. In recent months the
action most heard in state houses across the nation is a
rising call for a new Constitutional Convention (Con Con).

Supporters somehow think a Con Con is the solution to saving
our Republic. They want to amend the Constitution to force a
balance budget. They want to shore up ambiguous language to
make the meaning clear. They want to assure there is no
doubt what America is and should be. For most pushing such
an agenda, their intentions are honest.

Their solution will be a disaster for one simple reason - no
one can control a Constitutional Convent. It doesn't matter
how well intentioned its purpose. It doesn't matter how well
planned. It doesn't matter what the actual resolution says
and the people think they are approving. A Con Con has no
oversight or rules other than those made by the actual
participating delegates themselves. There are no rules for
selecting delegates.

Once a ConCon is called for by the legal number of states,
as laid out in Article V of the Constitution, It is the duty
of Congress to call for one. Period. That's as far as it
goes. In this day, when Nancy Pelosi, as Speaker of the
House was able to twist enough arms to force through the
Health care plan against the wishes of a strong majority of
Americas; when the current Congress was able to flimflam the
American people into believing it had really cut the budget;
when these same people are the ones who will set the rules
for a Con Con, from establishing the delegate- selection
process, to dictating who will be qualified to be delegates,
how on earth can anyone support such a disaster in the
making. A Con Con will result in one thing- our precious
Constitution laid out on an operating table to be dissected
and bludgeoned by Dr. Jekyll.

But still, a growing number of "conservative" leaders across
the country and in the media are joining the chorus for the
need for a ConCon. Some actually claim that they aren?t
calling for an out and out Constitutional Convention, rather
for an "Article V Convention. There is no such distinction.
To suggest that some other category exists that isn?t as
serious or dangerous than a Con Con is simply an untruth.

Here are the facts. The main groups pushing for a Con Con
are the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), a
conservative association of state legislators; and a new
group calling itself the 10 Amendments for Freedom, Inc,
chaired by William Fruth, President of POLICOM Corporation,
which provides independent economics research.

While ALEC is working behind the scenes to build support for
a Con Con among state legislators, Fruth and his 10
Amendments for Freedom group has moved into the public eye
to sell the ConCon idea to mainstream America. In March,
2010, Fruth kicked off his campaign by mailing out a slick,
expensive package to conservative leaders and to over 7,000
state legislators. The package contained a book written by
Fruth entitled "10 Amendments for Freedom."

In the book, Fruth lays out an argument for the need for,
not just a balanced budget amendment, but a total package of
10 Amendments to the Constitution including, the balanced
budget; repay the national debt in 50; government
transparency; line item veto; term limits for Congress;
control illegal immigration; English-speaking nation; no
foreign law shall bind us; government restraint (preventing
the the Federal Government from growth beyond constitutional
powers; and finally, an amendment declaring "in God we
trust." Of course, there is no doubt that these amendments
have great appeal for most conservatives, answering their
growing frustration and fear of government expansion.

Arguing that Congress "will not likely take any action to
cause the 10 Amendments for Freedom to become law of the
land," Fruth calls for all ten amendments to be packaged by
state legislatures to be passed in a resolution calling for
a Constitutional Convention. His package would include
specific instructions to Congress as to how the delegates
would be selected and outlining rules that would be enforced
to assure only the ten amendments would be voted on.

Arguing the advantages of the ConCon, Fruth says, "Can you
imagine the excitement in the nation leading up to the
Convention? Schools will have to dust off history books
which teach how our nation was founded. Many people for the
first time will read the Constitution. The issue will be
discussed at length, exposing what happened to our country
over the years."

Fruth then scoffs at our fears of a ConCon and efforts to
stop it. He says, "Simply, it is not reason" any recommended
changes must be approved by three-fourths of the states.

These are the arguments now being presented to every single
state legislator and Governor in the nation as Fruth and
ALEC put on a full-court-press to call for a Constitutional
Convention. While the intention may be an honest desire to
reign in the power of government, the fact remains that
every one of these arguments for a ConCon is wrong.

The fact is, once 34 states petition Congress to convene a
Constitutional Convention, the matter is completely out of
the States? hands. There is absolutely no ability to control
what the delegates do in the convention. Attempting to
instruct delegates to discuss only a specific issue like a
balanced budget - or the whole package offered by the 10
Amendments for Freedom group - is absolutely impossible.
Instead, once the convention starts, the delegates become
super delegates which can take any action they desire
concerning the Constitution. In short, at the convention the
Constitution can be literally change any section, or even
the entire document if they desire.

What proof do I offer? Here are the exact words of Article V
of the Constitution: "...on the application of the
Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, (Congress)
shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments,
which.shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, when
ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several
States."

Article V gives absolutely no guidelines as to how it will
be run, how delegates can be selected and who can do the
selecting. Once the 34 states make the request, the entire
matter is in the hands of Congress to decide. It does not
matter if the states passed resolutions as Fruth proposes,
containing absolute guidelines for delegate selection. The
Constitution provides no rules - it is up to Congress to
decide how delegates are selected and what qualifications
they will have. The guidelines proposed by Fruthable to
assume there can be enough delegates sent to a convention
who will propose amendments which "repeal the bill of
rights?" or "legalize socialism." Even if they did, the
amendments would never be ratified," concludes Fruth.

Anticipating opposition to his scheme for a Con Con, Fruth
says that those who opposed the effort in the 1980's, to
call for a ConCon for a balanced budget amendment, told the
American people that the delegates at the convention can
"change the Constitution any way they want." Argues Fruth,
"We know that is not true." He says, "it is both
irresponsible and disingenuous for anyone to publicly say
that the convention can change the Constitution." And he
says, "any recommended changes must be approved by
three-fourths of the states.

These are the arguments now being presented to every single
state legislator and Governor in the nation as Fruth and
ALEC put on a full-court-press to call for a Constitutional
Convention. While the intention may be an honest desire to
reign in the power of government, the fact remains that
every one of these arguments for a ConCon is wrong.

The fact is, once 34 states petition Congress to convene a
Constitutional Convention, the matter is completely out of
the States hands. There is absolutely no ability to control
what the delegates do in the convention. Attempting to
instruct delegates to discuss only a specific issue like a
balanced budget - or the whole package offered by the 10
Amendments for Freedom group - is absolutely impossible.
Instead, once the convention starts, the delegates become
super delegates which can take any action they desire
concerning the Constitution. In short, at the convention the
Constitution can be literally change any section, or even
the entire document if they desire.

What proof do I offer? Here are the exact words of Article V
of the Constitution: ".on the application of the
Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, (Congress)
shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments,
which.shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, when
ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several
States."

Article V gives absolutely no guidelines as to how it will
be run, how delegates can be selected and who can do the
selecting. Once the 34 states make the request, the entire
matter is in the hands of Congress to decide. It does not
matter if the states passed resolutions as Fruth proposes,
containing absolute guidelines for delegate selection. The
Constitution provides no rules - it is up to Congress to
decide how delegates are selected and what qualifications
they will have. The guidelines proposed by Fruth carry
absolutely no weight in the final process - even if every
state passes the exact same resolution including those
rules. Again, Article V simply says that when 34 states have
called for a Con Con the Congress "shall call a Convention."
Period. And there is more legal proof in support of the
argument that delegates are not bound by an instructions or
resolutions from the states.

First, of course, is the famous letter written by former
Supreme Court Justice Warren Burger to Phyllis Schlafly,
President of Eagle Forum. In the letter Burger writes, "...
there is no effective way to limit or muzzle the actions of
a Constitutional Convention. The convention could make its
own rules and set its own agenda. Congress might try to
limit the convention to one amendment or to one issue, but
there is no way to assure that the convention would obey.
After a convention is convened, it will be too late to stop
the convention if we don't like its agenda. The meeting in
1787 ignored the limit placed by the confederated Congress."

And there is more legal documentation proving that Congress
or the states can control the agenda of a ConCon. Corpus
Jurus Secundum is a compilation of State Supreme Court
findings. The following is the collection of findings
regarding the unlimited power of the delegates attending a
Con Con. (From Corpus Jurus Secundum 16 C.J.S 9) "The
members of a Constitutional Convention are the direct
representatives of the people (1) and, as such, they may
exercise all sovereign powers that are vesting in the people
of the state. (2) They derive their powers, not from the
legislature, but from the people: (3) And, hence, their
power may not in any respect be limited or restrained by the
legislature. Under this view, it is a Legislative Body of
the Highest Order (4) and may not only frame, but may also
enact and promulgate, Constitution. (5). The foot- note
numbers after the citation quoted reference the particular
cases from which the citations were made. (1) Mississippi
(1892) Sproule v Fredericks (11 So. 472); (2) Iowa (1883)
Koehler v Hill (14N.W. 738); (3) West Virginia (1873) Loomis
v Jackson (6 W. Va. 613); (4) Oklahoma (1907) Frantz v Autry
(91 p. 193); (5) Texas (1912) Cox v Robison (150 S.W. 1149).

Clearly, the position put forth by Fruth, and ALEC, that
state legislatures can pass a resolution dictating the rules
of the Con Con is simply wrong.

Delegate selection is another dangerous trap waiting to
spring. Again, Article V provides no guidelines. The process
is left for Congress to decide. That means the current
Congress could control the entire delegate selection. Under
the rules that Congress could set, States may not even be
represented. If the states are allowed to choose delegates,
then what would be the method? Again, Congress will decide.
Will the governor or the state legislature appoint
delegates? Or could it be a bicameral panel or blue ribbon
commission? Or could it be a plebecite - a vote of the
people? If so, then who would be eligible to vote? Would it
be all eligible voters? Or taxpayers only? Or would we
possibly, in the interest of "enfranchisement," allow all
citizens, and potentially foreign nationals (illegal
immigrants) to vote for this "special election?" There are
no guidelines and anything is possible.

And what would be the qualifications to be a delegate? Would
it be exclusively lawyers? A mix of professionals? So-called
"proportional representation" of all special interest groups
- NGO's? Will some be excluded because of "extreme"
convictions? Of course, according to the Federal Department
of Homeland Security, "extreme convictions" includes those
who want to protect the Constitution. So, what will the
criteria for eligible delegates be? All of these choices
would be made by Congress.

But again, none of that will matter, according to those
calling for the Con Con. William Fruth argues that no matter
what such a convention does, it still must be ratified by
two- thirds of the states, making it very difficult to do
bad things against the will of the people. A history lesson
is in order.

There has been only one Constitutional Convention in the
history of the nation - that was in 1787. At the time, the
nation was held together by the Articles of Confederation.
The states were having a difficult time performing commerce
among themselves. So it was decided to hold a Constitutional
Convention to simply discuss how interstate commerce might
be better organized. As the delegates were selected,
delegations from a majority of states were given specific
orders by their states to discuss nothing else beyond the
commerce issue.

However, some delegates including James Madison had a very
specific agenda planned for the convention and as soon as
the delegates arrived at Independence Hall in Philadelphia,
they closed and locked the door, pulled down the shades and
met in secret for a month. When they were finished, they had
created an entirely new nation. We were very lucky that the
convention was attended by men like Ben Franklin and George
Washington and Madison. They produced the most magnificent
document ever devised for the governance of man.

Today, we have entrenched power forces led by the likes of
Barack Obama, Nancy Pelosi and Harry Reid.

And we have notoriously weak leaders like current House
Speaker John Boehner and Senate Minority Leader Mitch
McConnell who rarely miss a good compromise to keep the
peace. These are the people who will decide the rules for
the convention, including delegate selection. Do you trust
them to follow the rules dictated by state legislatures? Do
you think Pelosi and Reid would pass up an opportunity to
set their own rules to guarantee a Constitution to their
liking?

And there is more. Concerning the argument that no matter
what the delegates produce, the states still must ratify it
- thus serving as a safeguard to tomfoolery, consider this
fact: The Articles of Confederation required that any
changes be ratified by 100% of the states. That was the
document that was the law of the land - until something else
was put into place. But, when the new Constitution was put
to the states for a vote of ratification, suddenly they
needed only two thirds to approve it. Why? The fact is,
Article V of the new Constitution was used - even before the
Constitution which contained it was approved. Now, what do
you think Reid and Obama and company would do with that
precedent? What if the new document produced by the ConCon
said ratification only required a vote of Congress - or of
some special commission? The precedent of 1787 says that
could happen. So much for protection by the states.

And rather than an excitement in the nation with a rebirth
of study of the Constitution, as Furth envisions, there
would in fact be a long, hard, ugly and expensive battle
over the process, guaranteed to leave the nation split along
ideological lines. It's not difficult to envision civil
unrest, riots or even civil war as a result of any
re-writing of the current Constitution.

These are the reasons why I, and many others around the
nation, adamantly oppose a Constitutional Convention at this
time. We fear a ConCon because the subject matter cannot be
controlled. And if the worst happens, there is no guarantee
that we can stop ratification. There has never been a worse
time in the nation's history to consider changing this grand
document. The ConCon delegates could literally put the
Constitution on an operating table and use their scalpels to
slice it up, creating an entirely new form of government.
That new document, as precedence has shown, could be
enforced without ratification by the states. Remember, our
current Constitution was not ratified by the rules set forth
in the Articles of Confederation, but by an Article V that
wasn't yet law of the land. Now that the precedence is there,

it can happen again. The Pelosi's of the nation, proven to
have the power and the will to twist any issue or initiative
as they desire, are rubbing their hands together at the
prospect of a ConCon.

No doubt there is great need for several of the amendments
Fruth and his group propose. But he seems to ignore the fact
that there is a powerful, organized opposition. Again, I
call your attention to the continuing battles over Health
Care, taxes, illegal immigration and massive government
spending. These are child's play compared to what will
happen in a ConCon. Do Americans really want to risk that
in these uncertain times? Every freedom-loving American must
stand up against this misguided call for a ConCon. Tell
your state legislators NO.

C 2011 Tom DeWeese - All Rights Reserved

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Tom DeWeese is one of the nation's leading advocates of
individual liberty, free enterprise, private property rights,

personal privacy, back-to-basics education and American
sovereignty and independence.

A native of Ohio, he's been a candidate for the Ohio
Legislature, served as editor of two newspapers, and has
owned several businesses since the age of 23. In 1989 Tom
led the only privately-funded election-observation team to
the Panamanian elections. In 2006 Tom was invited to
Cambridge University to debate the issue of the United
Nations before the Cambridge Union, a 200 year old debating
society. Today he serves as Founder and President of the
American Policy Center and editor of The DeWeese Report

For 40 years Tom DeWeese has been a businessman, grassroots
activist, writer and publisher. As such, he has always
advocated a firm belief in man's need to keep moving forward
while protecting our Constitutionally-guaranteed rights.

The DeWeese Report <http://www.deweesereport.com/>  , 70
Main Street, Suite 23, Warrenton Virginia. (540) 341-8911

E-Mail: [email protected]

E-Mail: [email protected]

Website: www.americanpolicy.org
<http://www.americanpolicy.org/>
















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