http://stupidfrogs.org/articles/who_lost_the_cities.html



*Who Lost the Cities?*

*There is more wrong with Ferguson than the Brown case*

By Kevin D. Williamson
NationaReview.com

The Reverend Jesse Jackson is, to the surprise of all thinking people,
right about something: “A spark has exploded,” he said, referring to the
protests and violence in Ferguson, Mo. “When you look at what sparked riots
in the Sixties, it has always been some combination of poverty, which was
the fuel, and then some oppressive police tactic. It was the same in
Newark, in Chicago, in Detroit, in Los Angeles. It’s symptomatic of a
national crisis of urban abandonment and repression, seen in Chicago.”

A question for the Reverend Jackson: Who has been running the show in
Newark, in Chicago, in Detroit, and in Los Angeles for a great long while
now? The answer is: People who see the world in much the same way as does
the Reverend Jackson, who take the same view of government, who support the
same policies, and who suffer from the same biases.

This is not intended to be a cheap partisan shot. The Democratic party
institutionally certainly has its defects, the chronicle of which could
fill several unreadable volumes, but the more important and more
fundamental question here is one of philosophy and policy. Newark, Detroit,
Chicago, Los Angeles — and Philadelphia, Cleveland, and a dozen or more
other cities — have a great deal in common: They are the places in which
the progressive vision of government has reached its fullest expressions.
They are the hopeless reality that results from wishful thinking.

Ferguson was hardly a happy suburban garden spot until the shooting of
Michael Brown. Ferguson is about two-thirds black, and 28 percent of those
black residents live below the poverty line. The median income is well
below the Missouri average, and Missouri is hardly the nation’s runaway
leader in economic matters. More than 60 percent of the births in the city
of St. Louis (and about 40 percent in St. Louis County) are out of wedlock.

My reporting over the past few years has taken me to Chicago, Los Angeles,
Detroit, St. Louis and the nearby community of East St. Louis, Ill.,
Philadelphia, Detroit, Stockton, San Francisco, and a great many other
cities, and the Reverend Jackson is undoubtedly correct in identifying “a
national crisis of urban abandonment and repression.” He neglects to point
out that he is an important enabler of it.

Philadelphia, for example, has not had a Republican mayor since the Truman
administration. It did enjoy the services of Mayor Frank Rizzo, a Democrat
who endorsed Nixon in exchange for federal handouts and who governed in the
progressive style: He converted a private utility into a public one and
promptly turned it into a patronage machine, he was close with the labor
unions and raised the city’s wage tax to fund spending on transportation
and infrastructure projects, worked for economic benefits for the elderly,
etc. He was a classic welfare-statist Democrat — and a man who, as police
commissioner, famously promised to “make Attila the Hun look like a fag.”
(Rizzo later ran as a Republican.) It wasn’t a right-wing radical who
bombed a Philadelphia rowhouse and burned down the neighborhood — it was an
African-American progressive, Wilson Goode. Closet Ayn Rand fans have not
been running the affairs of Detroit all these years, and the intellectual
patrons of the Chicago Boys have had approximately zero influence on the
municipal affairs of Chicago. Ralph Reed will never be the mayor of San
Francisco.

For years, our major cities were undermined by a confluence of four unhappy
factors: 1. higher taxes; 2. defective schools; 3. crime; 4. declining
economic opportunity. Together, these weighed much more heavily upon the
middle class than upon the very wealthy and the very poor. In the case of
Philadelphia, the five counties in the metropolitan area have had a mostly
stable population, but the city itself lost more than a quarter of its
population between 1950 and 2000 as some 550,000 people fled to the suburbs
or beyond. How many people matters, but which people matters, too: They
were the ones with the means and the strongest incentive to relocate. Over
the same period of time, Chicago lost a fifth of its population, Baltimore
nearly a third. Philadelphia is one of the few U.S. cities to impose a
municipal income tax (one of the taxes Mayor Rizzo raised), creating very
strong incentives to move across the line into Delaware County or Bucks
County. This is sometimes known as “white flight,” but that is a misnomer:
In Detroit, the white middle class got out as quickly as it could — and the
black middle class was hot on its heels. Upwardly mobile people and those
who expect to be — i.e., those with an investment in the future — care a
great deal about schools, economic opportunity, and safety. And they know
where the city limits are.

Progressives spent a generation imposing taxes and other expenses on urban
populations as though the taxpaying middle class would not relocate. They
protected the defective cartel system of public education, and the union
money and votes associated with it, as though middle-class parents would
not move to places that had better schools. They imposed burdens on
businesses, in exchange for more union money and votes, as though
businesses would not shift production elsewhere. They imposed policies that
disincentivized stable family arrangements as though doing so would have no
social cost.

And they did so while adhering to a political philosophy that holds that
the state, not the family or the market, is the central actor in our lives,
that the interests of private parties — be they taxpayers or businesses —
can and indeed must be subordinated to the state’s interests, as though
individuals and families were nothing more than gears in the great machine
of politics. The philosophy of abusive eminent domain, government
monopolies, and opportunistic taxation is also the philosophy of police
brutality, the repression of free speech and other constitutional rights,
and economic despair. Frank Rizzo was not a paradox — he was an
inevitability. When life is reduced to the terms in which it is lived in
the poorest and most neglected parts of Chicago or Detroit, the welfare
state is the police state. Why should we expect the agents of the
government who carry guns and badges to be in general better behaved than
those at the IRS or the National Labor Relations Board? We have city
councils that conduct their affairs in convenient secrecy and put their own
interests above those of the communities that they allege to serve, and yet
we naïvely think that when that self-serving process is used to hire a
police commissioner or to organize a police department, then we’ll get
saints and Einsteins out of all that muck.

The more progressive the city, the worse a place it is to be poor and/or
black. The most pronounced economic inequality in the United States is not
in some Republican redoubt in Texas but in San Francisco, an
extraordinarily expensive city in which half of all black households make
do with less than $25,000 a year. Blacks in San Francisco are arrested on
drug felonies at ten times their share of the general population. At 6
percent of the population, they represent 40 percent of those arrested for
homicides. Whether you believe that that is the result of a racially biased
criminal-justice system or the result of higher crime incidence related to
socioeconomic conditions within black communities (or some combination of
those factors) what is undeniable is that results for black Americans are
far worse in our most progressive, Democrat-dominated cities than they are
elsewhere. The progressives have had the run of things for a generation in
these cities, and the results are precisely what you see.

Our cities need economic growth and opportunity, functional education
systems, and physical security. And where have our few urban success
stories come from? We saw a dramatic turnabout in crime and public disorder
in New York under Republican Rudy Giuliani, and we’ve seen periods of
relatively good governance in two-party cities such as San Diego. At the
moment, our most prosperous cities are those such as Houston, cities that
are themselves Democrat-dominated but embedded in heavily Republican
metropolitan areas or states, and which govern in a way that is much
friendlier to enterprise and middle-class interests than is the style that
has long predominated in places such as Philadelphia or Detroit.

The Reverend Jackson should not be surprised that places such as Ferguson,
Mo., have feckless police departments. He himself has spent his career
helping to ensure that they have feckless schools, self-serving
bureaucracies, rapacious public-sector unions pillaging the municipal fisc,
and malevolent political leadership that is by no means above exploiting
racial sentiment in order to hold on to power. His allies have been running
U.S. cities for a generation, and it takes a considerable measure of brass
for him to come in decrying the results as though he had no hand in them.




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Posted by: "Beowulf" <[email protected]>
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