http://online.wsj.com/articles/peggy-noonan-a-message-sent-to-a-grudging-president-1415320458


A Message Sent to a Grudging PresidentAfter a thumpin’, Obama doubles down
on hostility, antagonism and distance.

[image: At the post-election White House news conference, Nov. 5.]

At the post-election White House news conference, Nov. 5. Reuters



By

Peggy Noonan

Updated Nov. 7, 2014

The drubbin’, thumpin’, poundin’ was a two-part wave, a significant
Republican rise in the U.S. Senate and a Democratic collapse in the
governorships.

It was one of those nights neither party ever forgets.

Republicans won not only because of a favorable map. In solid Democratic
states, they won big or came close. Nor were the results due only to low
midterm turnout. Nate Cohn, in the New York Times
<http://quotes.wsj.com/NYT>, noted that turnout in Colorado was up over
2010, yet Republican Cory Gardner beat incumbent Sen. Mark Udall with room
to spare. The sheer number of blowouts was mind-boggling. Sen. Mitch
McConnell <http://topics.wsj.com/person/M/Mitch-McConnell/7788>was supposed
to win in Kentucky, but not by 15 points. In Arkansas the Republican
challenger, Tom Cotton, beat Democratic incumbent, Sen. Mark Pryor, by 17
points. In Georgia, where the Senate race was assumed to be close, the
Republican won by eight. Republican Pat Roberts, left for dead in Kansas
months ago, won by 10.

Among the governors, Republican John Kasich won re-election in swing-state
Ohio by an astounding 31 points. In South Carolina, incumbent Nikki Haley
beat her Democratic challenger by 15 points. In solid-blue Illinois, the
Republican challenger, Bruce Rauner, turned out the incumbent by five
points; in solid-Democratic Maryland, the Republican candidate for governor
won by a solid five. Scott Walker, perpetually under siege in Wisconsin,
the focus of public-employee-union ferocity and targeted nationally by
Democrats who needed to knock him off, also won by five.

It was not in the least a charisma election, a sweeping expression of
support for a character or personality or movement. It was a message
election. Sweeps like this come down to policy and governance. America on
Tuesday told one party no, you’re not doing it right, we don’t like what
we’re seeing, and your preoccupations (birth control, “War on Women”) are
not our priorities.

The president said he was not on the ballot but his policies were. Those
policies were resoundingly repudiated.
***

But that is only one of the amazing things that happened this week. The
second is how the president responded.

A sweep this size tends to resolve some things. The landscape shifts,
political figures accommodate themselves to it.

Common sense says a chastened president would acknowledge the obvious—some
things aren’t working, he has made some mistakes—and, in Mr. Obama’s case,
hit the reset button with Congress. Reach out, be humble. Humility has
power. It shows people that you have some give—you get the message, you are
capable of self-correcting.

That is not what he’s doing. The president is instead doubling down on
hostility, antagonism and distance.

What a mistake. What a huge, historic mistake, not only for him but also
for his party.

In his news conference on Wednesday, Mr. Obama was grim and grudging,
barely bothering to hide suppressed anger. “Republicans had a good night.”
He was unwilling to explain or characterize what happened. “I’ll leave it
to all of you and the professional pundits to pick through yesterday’s
results.” He took no personal responsibility: The people sent a message and
it is that Washington must work “as hard as they do.” He was unwilling to
say what went wrong, why his party’s candidates didn’t want him near them
on the trail. His answers were long, filibuster-y, meant to run out the
clock. It was clear the White House wanted to say he met with reporters for
more than an hour. He did. At one point he tried to smile but couldn’t
quite pull it off; it came across as a Nixon-like flexing of the rictus
muscles. (I tried to describe it in my notes. “Hatey” was the best I could
do.)

There were airy generalities—“This town doesn’t work well”—and a few
humblebrags: “I have a unique responsibility to try and make this town
work”; “I’m the guy who’s elected by everybody.”

Most seriously and consequentially—the huge mistake—is that Mr. Obama said
he will address immigration through executive action unless Congress sends
a comprehensive bill to him that he finds attractive. He said this just
after a news conference in which the presumed next Senate majority leader,
Mitch McConnell, in a post-election statement that was actually
conciliatory and constructive, said any such move by the president would
“poison the well” with Congress. It would be experienced by Republicans on
the Hill as pure aggression.

The president’s use of broad executive action would kill any chance of
compromise or progress with Congress. And the amazing thing is that this
isn’t even in his interests.

What is in his interests is for him to go forward in a spirit of compromise
and try to reach agreements on the Hill through negotiations. This would be
a relief after six years of nonstop acrimony. Republicans need an end of
acrimony too: They want to show that they’re not just shutdown artists, as
their foes say, but that they are a governing party in whose hands the
country is safe. After a few bills were passed, people would start to feel
that they were seeing progress. This would help the president get a new
sentence defining him. The current sentence is something like, “Wow, that
didn’t work, he really had the wrong skill sets.” Two years of governing
peace might get him, “He had a dynamic first two years, lost the thread,
was re-elected, then there was a lot of mess but he stabilized and got
serious.” That’s not a bad sentence.

It is confounding—not surprising but stunning, unhelpful and
ill-judged—that the president is instead going for antagonism, combat and
fruitless friction.

This is not just poor strategy, it seems to me to be mildly delusional. *Chris
Matthews erupted on MSNBC: “There’s something in this guy that just plays
to his constituency and acts like there’s no other world out there!”*

That’s true. And deeply strange in a politician. It’s as if he doesn’t
think he has to work with others, he only has to be right. I think Mr.
Obama sees himself as a centrist because he often resists the pressures of
the leftward-most edge of his base. Therefore in his imagination he is in
the middle, the center. If he is in the middle of a great centrist nation,
how can they turn on him? The answer: They are confused. This is their
flaw, not his. He’s not going to let their logical flaws change his game.

And so the future may well be nonstop combat between the Hill and the White
House. If the president does a big executive action, the Republican
Congress will no longer think negotiations and deals are possible. They
will over the coming years send him legislation that they can pass with the
support of their majorities and moderate Democrats. If he vetoes, they will
try to override.

The Republicans will be set up as the party passing bills that go in
certain directions on certain issues, and those bills will no doubt be
generally popular, or popular with the Republican base. If the bills are
vetoed and can’t be overridden, Republicans will say they are frustrated by
that willful loner—that obstructionist—in the White House.

That will probably set up the GOP pretty well for 2016. It will keep the
party’s activists in a constant state of agitated alert.

Once again the president is doing his party no favors.

This is no way to run a railroad. The president here is doing what he has
been doing for a while, helping Republicans look good. That is an amazing
strategy for a Democratic president to adopt.




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