*Should that happen, the man who took to the podium in Cairo eager to
appease the Muslim world, will end up etched in millions of Muslim minds as
Enemy No. 1 – a humbled statesman as bewildered as a Halloween pumpkin at
October’s snow.*

*Analysis: Obama's legacy now depends on the Middle East*
America needed a leader with a sense of history and an ability to act. In
his sudden rise to power, Obama aroused hopes he possessed both. In
reality, he delivered neither.

[image: Tallit]

*President Barack Obama talks with Congressional leaders. (photo credit:
OFFICIAL WHITE HOUSE PHOTO BY PETE SOUZA)*

Humbled, embattled and living on borrowed political time, the waning
American president will now seek a place in history somewhere between Iran
and Iraq. Unseasonable snowflakes emerged last week in Illinois, Indiana
and Vermont, staining New England’s foliage white and adding ice to
Halloween’s spooky atmosphere.

The unusual weather soon proved a fitting setting for winter’s premature
landing on the presidency of Barack Obama. What began six years ago as the
political Cinderella tale of the century has given way to an epic tragedy,
whose last act began this week with an electoral trouncing that is its
supreme victim’s doing as much as it is his undoing.

Obama is not alone; Bill Clinton and Gerald Ford also lost midterm
elections. Yet Clinton’s loss of Capitol Hill in 1994 was followed by six
more years in power – years which, though marred by scandal, went down in
memory as a time of prosperity at home and supremacy abroad. And Ford’s
midterm loss in 1974 was not about his own performance – it had been barely
two months since he replaced Richard Nixon – but that of his predecessor.

Clinton’s presidency had no sad ending, and Ford’s had no happy beginning.

Obama, by contrast, has just missed his last electoral train, and the
happiness of his original victory now seems like an archeological relic.

The most anticlimactic presidency in US history has its protagonist’s name
written all over his party’s loss this week of 288 congressional and
gubernatorial races. One might expect such a spectacular debacle to be
caused by some cataclysm – say, a military defeat, economic fiasco or
poorly handled natural disaster. This has not been the case.

Instead, Obama’s loss of public favor was caused by a growing sense of
American decline that the president seemed to deny, embody and accelerate.

Imperial decline is never one leader’s fault, and Obama is no exception.
Empires are undone by the burden of their overreach, as historian Paul
Kennedy observed before the final fall of the Soviet Union.

Similarly, the relationship between the distant wars and the economic
crisis Obama inherited from George W. Bush will be the subject of scholarly
debate in future generations. Some will say the wars in Afghanistan and
Iraq should never have been waged, others will say they should have been
but one at a time; some will say their aims were unrealistic, others that
their tactics were misguided – and all will ridicule their reckless
financing.

There will be no arguing, however, that following last decade’s traumas,
the American people needed a leader with a sense of history and an ability
to act.

In his sudden rise to power, Obama aroused hopes he possessed both. In
reality, he delivered neither.

The lack of historical sensitivity emerged already at his inauguration,
when a euphoric Obama spent $50 million on balls, concerts and other
victory celebrations – in utter disregard of Main Street’s sense of
economic insecurity following the financial meltdown that was the very
cause of his improbable victory.

The lack of effectiveness emerged as the healthcare saga unfolded, and the
president asked Congress to prepare the plan he had failed to prepare
himself. Both failures, the atmospheric and the practical, were the perfect
opposites of Franklin D. Roosevelt’s arrival in the White House during the
Depression, when a brief and austere inauguration quickly gave way to the
legislation and activation of previously prepared action plans.

ObamaCare, by contrast, took more than a full presidential term to pass,
then proved administratively deficient and electorally irrelevant, if not
counterproductive.

Finally, Obama’s historical insensitivity and political ineffectiveness
coincided in the Middle East. Subsequent events now render his 2009 Cairo
Speech a display of aloofness, second in its gullibility only to Vogue
magazine’s celebration of Syria’s first lady as “a rose in the desert” and
her husband’s household as “wildly democratic,” moments before he drowned
“the safest country in the Middle East” in rivers of blood.

Obama’s failure to deliver on his televised threat to attack Syria should
it use chemical weapons underscored suspicions that he was unfamiliar with
the world he was expected to lead, and inattentive to the history he was
assigned to reshape.

The confrontation in Ukraine further enhanced such impressions, as the
White House again spoke endlessly while offering neither leadership nor
impact – for the leadership was Europe’s, and the impact Russian President
Vladimir Putin’s.

The new troubles in Iraq were the capstone of a confused foreign policy’s
tragedy of errors, animating Washington’s loss of Cairo’s alliance and
Riyadh’s trust. Nothing symbolizes the humbling of Obama more than his
return these days to a stubbornly unreconstructed Middle East, where he has
no choice but to fight a war which in many ways is but an extension of the
two wars he had prided himself on ending.

The voters wouldn’t have minded all this, had it not stood in such stark
contrast to the high rhetoric that preceded it. True, Americans appreciate
a good speech, and their politicians are often good at delivering one. Yet
Americans appreciate deeds more than words, and can’t stand it when words
come at the expense of deeds.

This, then, is how Obama ended up where he finds himself today.

Where, then, does he go from here? Like French presidents in similar
situations, Obama may seek a separation of duties – whereby the legislature
focuses on the economy while the president focuses on foreign affairs.

This is what happened in 1986, when François Mitterrand lost the
legislature to the conservatives and prime minister Jacques Chirac cut the
taxes the president had raised and sold the companies the president had
nationalized.

Mitterrand, at the same time, invested himself in unifying Europe. Similar
dynamics unfolded when Chirac, as president, faced socialist premier Lionel
Jospin, and before that when Mitterrand faced Edouard Balladur .

Yet Obama’s situation will be different, because his focus will be not on
his political survival – but on his historical record.

There is very little time and only narrow maneuvering space left for Obama
to treat his place in history, and this will first require defensive action
on his part. In this regard, Obama will struggle to preserve his healthcare
reform while Congress tries to dent, and maybe altogether undo, what Obama
sees as his main accomplishment.

While reportedly resigned to shelving his original hopes to create new
funding for things like pre-kindergarten tuition, Obama may win the Hill’s
cooperation on issues like infrastructure, foreign trade and even taxation.

Still, there is nothing domestic that Obama can now make happen, and make
the emblem of his legacy.

This is not the case on the diplomatic front.

One arena where Obama might theoretically be effective is Ukraine, but the
way to do so is to call that conflict an internal European affair and steer
clear of it. Like most American politicians, there is no chance Obama will
do this, as the knee-jerk American reaction to that crisis is to think,
wrongly, that it is the Cold War all over again.

The foreign arena where Obama will seek to have an impact is the Middle
East.

Within the region, he has three conflicts to consider: Israel and the
Palestinians; Iran and the rest of the Middle East; and Islamic State and
the rest of the world.

On the Palestinian front Obama has already learned that he is in no
position to make history, having seen his administration’s brave effort to
change local hearts yield little but the breaking of the heart of Secretary
of State John Kerry.

On the Iranian front, Obama is in for a collision with the new Congress –
whose agreement he must secure to lift American sanctions.

An attempt to back a deal in which the goods would be delivered by other
nations sanctioning Iran, from Europe to the UN, may yield an agreement,
but not a place in history – because a deal with Iran against the will of
the American people will not stand. Instead, it will be exposed as a
capitulation, with its architects recalled as Chamberlains.

This leaves us with Islamic State.

Here, the die has already been cast. Obama is already in that war, and will
likely be drawn deeper into it with full Republican support. Here,
somewhere between Baghdad and Nineveh, Obama may find his place in history,
providing he finally musters the vision, prudence, poise and resolve that
most voters thought his first six years in office lacked.

On this front, the war effort Obama is in the process of launching may
generate true victory over a true enemy representing a real problem for the
entire world.

*Should that happen, the man who took to the podium in Cairo eager to
appease the Muslim world, will end up etched in millions of Muslim minds as
Enemy No. 1 – a humbled statesman as bewildered as a Halloween pumpkin at
October’s snow.*

*www.MiddleIsrael.net <http://www.MiddleIsrael.net/>*




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