http://hosted.ap.org/dynamic/stories/U/US_OBAMA_PENTAGON?SITE=AP&SECTION=HOME&TEMPLATE=DEFAULT&CTIME=2014-11-29-08-26-35



Nov 29, 11:03 AM EST



For Obama and the Pentagon, an uneasy relationship

By JULIE PACE and ROBERT BURNS

WASHINGTON (AP) -- On a trip to Afghanistan during President Barack Obama's
first term, Defense Secretary Robert Gates was stunned to find a telephone
line at the military's special operations headquarters that linked directly
back to a top White House national security official.

"I had them tear it out while I was standing there," Gates said earlier
this month as he recounted his discovery. "I told the commanders, `If you
get a call from the White House, you tell them to go to hell and call me.'"

To Gates, the phone in Kabul came to symbolize *Obama's efforts to
micromanage the Pentagon and centralize decision-making in the White House*.
That criticism later would be echoed publicly and pointedly by Gates'
successor, Leon Panetta.

The president's third Pentagon chief, Chuck Hagel, was picked partly
because he was thought to be more deferential to Obama's close circle of
White House advisers. But over time, Hagel also grew frustrated with what
he saw as the West Wing's insularity.

There have been similar gripes from other Cabinet officials, but the
friction between the White House and the Pentagon has been particularly
pronounced during Obama's six years in office. That dynamic already appears
to be affecting the president's ability to find a replacement for Hagel,
who resigned Monday under pressure from Obama.

Within hours, former Pentagon official Michele Flournoy called Obama to
take herself out of consideration, even though she was widely seen as his
top choice and would have been the first woman to hold the post.

Flournoy officially cited family concerns, but people close to her say she
also had reservations about being restrained like Hagel and would perhaps
wait to see if she could get the job if another Democrat - namely Hillary
Rodham Clinton - won the presidency in 2016.

Obama's eventual nominee will join a national security team that is under
intense criticism for its response to the rise of the Islamic State group
in Syria and Iraq. The president has authorized airstrikes in both
countries and sent about 3,000 U.S. troops to train and assist Iraqi
security forces.

He has resisted sending American troops into ground combat and has insisted
the military campaign is not designed to oust Syrian President Bashar
Assad, whose 3 1/2 year assault on civilians helped create the chaos that
allowed the Islamic State to thrive.

The foreign policy landscape looks far different from what Obama envisioned
when he ran for the White House and pledged to end the wars in Iraq and
Afghanistan.

Obama has been seen in the Pentagon as being overly suspicious of the
military and its inclination to use force to address problems. To some in
the Pentagon, the president's approach to the military seems particularly
cool and detached when compared with that of his predecessor, Republican
George W. Bush, who was more eager to embrace the military and accept its
judgments.

Stephen Biddle, an occasional adviser to U.S. combat commanders, said *the
White House has fallen victim to "group think" and is distrustful of advice
or perspectives that challenge its own.*

"That's a bad policy development design," said Biddle, a political science
professor at George Washington University's Elliott School of International
Affairs.

Several White House, defense and other administration officials discussed
the relationship between the president and the Pentagon on condition of
anonymity because they were not authorized to do so publicly.

On foreign policy decision-making, Obama relies in particular on national
security adviser Susan Rice and chief of staff Denis McDonough. Secretary
of State John Kerry has managed to carve out some areas of influence,
particularly on Iranian nuclear negotiations. Some Pentagon officials say
they have seen an increasingly close relationship between Obama and Gen.
Martin Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

But at the Pentagon, senior officials say there is growing frustration with *a
lack of policy direction and clarity from the White House *that has
hampered the military's ability to quickly respond to fast-moving events
around the world. Policy recommendations from the Pentagon are often
discussed exhaustively in White House meetings that can bog down, delaying
decisions and sometimes resulting in conclusions that remain vague.

Over the past year, officials said the Pentagon leadership was particularly
baffled by the White House's slow deliberations on Russia's moves against
Ukraine and the rise of Islamic State militants.

Earlier this fall, officials said, Hagel sent Rice a memo on Syria
reflecting the views of military commanders who feel Obama's strategy lacks
cohesion and has included too many one-off decisions, such as resupplying
Kurdish forces fighting the militants in the Syrian town of Kobani. Hagel
and military commanders were particularly concerned about a lack of clarity
over Obama's position toward Assad.

On Ukraine, officials say Hagel pressed the White House to speed up the
protracted debate over providing even nonlethal assistance to Ukrainian
forces and to look for new options when the support the administration did
provide proved ineffective in stopping Russian-backed rebels.

Obama's advisers deny Hagel was ousted because he challenged the president.
They cast the former Republican senator as the wrong fit for a job in which
he never appeared comfortable. The aides also defended the White House's
lengthy internal deliberations, saying Obama's decision-making process
reflects the complexity of the problems.

Hagel's ouster has spurred a flurry of suggestions from foreign policy
experts for how Obama can repair his relationship with the Pentagon, from
ousting his West Wing aides to revamping the White House's National
Security Council, which has ballooned from a few dozen staffers in the
1970s to more than 400.

But Gates, the former Pentagon chief who voiced his frustrations during a
forum this month at the Ronald Reagan presidential library in California,
suggested *the real issue rested with the president himself.*

*"When a president wants highly centralized control in the White House at
the degree of micromanagement that I'm describing, that's not bureaucratic,
that's political," he said.*




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