Geesh, what Moonbattery!


On Fri, Dec 5, 2014 at 5:28 PM, plainolamerican <[email protected]>
wrote:

>
>
>
> *Seeing the Reality of the Vietnam War---US interventionist failure is
> quite easy to see.*
>
> On Friday, December 5, 2014 2:57:16 PM UTC-6, MJ wrote:
>>
>>
>>
>> *Seeing the Reality of the Vietnam War, 50 Years Late *Jonathan Schell
>> and Tom Engelhardt, December 01, 2014
>>
>>
>>
>> *Originally posted at TomDispatch <http://www.tomdispatch.com/>.
>> Introduction, Sunday, November 24, 2014*: When I scanned the front page
>> of the *New York Times *one recent morning and spotted this headline
>> <http://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/22/us/politics/in-secret-obama-extends-us-role-in-afghan-combat.html>,
>> “In a Shift, Obama Extends U.S. Role in Afghan Combat,” I instantly wanted
>> to pick up the phone. It was an urge I had to repress by reminding myself
>> that no one would be at the other end.
>>
>> A lost friend is like a phantom limb. The remarkable Jonathan Schell died
>> <http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/175824/tomgram%3A_in_memoriam%3A_jonathan_schell_%281943-2014%29/>
>> eight months ago and yet there are still mornings like that one when I feel
>> an almost overwhelming desire to talk to him about the latest developments
>> on this strange planet of ours. I may no longer be able to do that, but he
>> still speaks to me through the body of unforgettable work he left behind,
>> including, of course, his various path-breaking books
>> <http://www.tomdispatch.com/post/175510/tomgram%3A_andy_kroll,_the_unlikely_oracle_of_occupy_wall_street/>.
>> In this spirit, on a Thanksgiving Sunday when our longest war – not Vietnam
>> but Afghanistan – is extending itself unendingly into the future, it seems
>> appropriate to remember him by reposting the last piece he wrote jointly
>> for this website and the *Nation* magazine. Its focus was *TomDispatch*
>> Managing Editor Nick Turse’s bestselling, award-winning
>> <http://www.beforecolumbusfoundation.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/ABA2014PR.pdf>
>>  *Kill
>> Anything That Moves*.
>>
>> That I can write either “bestselling” or “award-winning” in front of a
>> no-holds-barred book on American war crimes in Vietnam still stuns me. I
>> edited *Kill Anything That Moves* at Metropolitan Books (where I co-run
>> the American Empire Project series
>> <http://www.americanempireproject.com/>) and in the years it was being
>> written, I regularly told its author that, important as his work was, he
>> should expect it, on publication, to fall off the edge of the Earth. How
>> wrong I was. It’s useful for all of us to be reminded – especially in grim
>> times – that the future is largely unknowable, that it regularly makes
>> fools of us all, and that that’s the good news
>> <http://www.tomdispatch.com/post/677/rebecca_solnit_acts_of_hope>, not
>> the bad news.
>>
>> Reading *Kill Anything That Moves*
>> <http://www.amazon.com/dp/1608463656/ref=nosim/?tag=antiwarbookstore>,
>> Jonathan Schell was transported into his past and taken aback by the full
>> picture offered of the American war he had covered so memorably
>> <http://www.amazon.com/dp/0306809265/ref=nosim/?tag=antiwarbookstore>.
>> He told me so at the time and then used the book, soon after its
>> publication, to look back on his own Vietnam experience, and ours as well.
>> Reposting his piece seems like an appropriate way to mark the extension of
>> our present Afghan war yet further into the future.
>>
>> *~ Tom Original Introduction*: Forty-six years ago, in January 1966,
>> Jonathan Schell, a 23-year-old not-quite-journalist found himself at the
>> farming village of Ben Suc, 30 miles from the South Vietnamese capital,
>> Saigon. It had long been supportive of the Vietcong. Now, in what was
>> dubbed Operation Cedar Falls, the U.S. military (with Schell in tow)
>> launched an operation to solve that problem. The “solution” was typical of
>> how Americans fought the Vietnam War. All the village’s 3,500 inhabitants
>> were to be removed to a squalid refugee camp and Ben Suc itself simply
>> obliterated – every trace of the place for all time. Schell’s remarkable
>> and remarkably blunt observations on this grim operation were, no less
>> remarkably, published in the *New Yorker* magazine and then as a book,
>> causing a stir in a country where anti-war sentiment was growing fast.
>>
>> In 1967, Schell returned to Vietnam and spent weeks in the northern part
>> of the country watching from the backseats of tiny U.S. forward air control
>> planes as parts of two provinces were quite literally blown away, house by
>> house, village by village, an experience he recalls in today’s
>> *TomDispatch* post. From that came another *New Yorker* piece and then a
>> book, *The Military Half*, which offered (and still offers) an unmatched
>> journalistic vision of what the Vietnam War looked like. It was a moment
>> well captured in a mocking song one of the American pilots sang for him
>> after an operation in which he had called in bombs on two Vietnamese
>> churches, but somehow missed the white flag flying in front of them. The
>> relevant stanza went:
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> *“Strafe the town and kill the people, Drop napalm in the square, Get out
>> early every Sunday And catch them at their morning prayer.” *If
>> Afghanistan is the war we somehow haven’t managed to notice most of the
>> time, even while it’s going on, Vietnam was the war Americans couldn’t
>> forget and have never been able to kick, possibly because we never managed
>> to come to grips with just what it was and what we did there. Now, so many
>> years later, in a monumental essay appearing in print in the *Nation*
>> <http://www.thenation.com/> magazine and online here at *TomDispatch*,
>> Schell returns (via Nick Turse’s new book, *Kill Anything That Moves:
>> The Real American War in Vietnam*
>> <http://www.amazon.com/dp/1608463656/ref=nosim/?tag=antiwarbookstore>)
>> to the haunted terrain he last visited so many decades ago*. *All of us,
>> whether we know it or not, still live with the ghosts of that moment.
>>
>> *~ Tom *
>> *How Did the Gates of Hell Open in Vietnam? *By Jonathan Schell
>>
>> For half a century we have been arguing about “the Vietnam War.” Is it
>> possible that we didn’t know what we were talking about? After all that has
>> been written (some 30,000 books and counting), it scarcely seems possible,
>> but such, it turns out, has literally been the case.
>>
>> Now, in *Kill Anything that Moves*
>> <http://www.amazon.com/dp/1608463656/ref=nosim/?tag=antiwarbookstore>,
>> Nick Turse has for the first time put together a comprehensive picture,
>> written with mastery and dignity, of what American forces actually were
>> doing in Vietnam. The findings disclose an almost unspeakable truth.
>> Meticulously piecing together newly released classified information,
>> court-martial records, Pentagon reports, and firsthand interviews in
>> Vietnam and the United States, as well as contemporaneous press accounts
>> and secondary literature, Turse discovers that episodes of devastation,
>> murder, massacre, rape, and torture once considered isolated atrocities
>> were in fact the norm, adding up to a continuous stream of atrocity,
>> unfolding, year after year, throughout that country.
>>
>> It has been Turse’s great achievement to see that, thanks to the special
>> character of the war, its prime reality – an accurate overall picture of
>> what physically was occurring on the ground – had never been assembled;
>> that with imagination and years of dogged work this could be done; and that
>> even a half-century after the beginning of the war it still should be done.
>> Turse acknowledges that, even now, not enough is known to present this
>> picture in statistical terms. To be sure, he offers plenty of numbers – for
>> instance the mind-boggling estimates that during the war there were some
>> two million civilians killed and some five million wounded, that the United
>> States flew 3.4 million aircraft sorties, and that it expended 30 billion
>> pounds of munitions, releasing the equivalent in explosive force of 640
>> Hiroshima bombs.
>>
>> Yet it would not have been enough to simply accumulate anecdotal evidence
>> of abuses. Therefore, while providing an abundance of firsthand accounts,
>> he has supplemented this approach. Like a fabric, a social reality – a
>> town, a university, a revolution, a war – has a pattern and a texture. No
>> fact is an island. Each one is rich in implications, which, so to speak,
>> reach out toward the wider area of the surrounding facts. When some of
>> these other facts are confirmed, they begin to reveal the pattern and
>> texture in question.
>>
>> Turse repeatedly invites us to ask what sort of larger picture each story
>> implies. For example, he writes:
>>
>>
>>
>> *“If one man and his tiny team could claim more KIAs [killed in action]
>> than an entire battalion without raising red flags among superiors; if a
>> brigade commander could up the body count by picking off civilians from his
>> helicopter with impunity; if a top general could institutionalize
>> atrocities through the profligate use of heavy firepower in areas packed
>> with civilians – then what could be expected down the line, especially
>> among heavily armed young infantrymen operating in the field for weeks,
>> angry, tired, and scared, often unable to locate the enemy and yet
>> relentlessly pressed for kills?” *Like a tightening net, the web of
>> stories and reports drawn from myriad sources coalesces into a convincing,
>> inescapable portrait of this war – a portrait that, as an American, you do
>> not wish to see; that, having seen, you wish you could forget, but that you
>> should not forget; and that the facts force you to see and remember and
>> take into account when you ask yourself what the United States has done and
>> been in the last half century, and what it still is doing and still is.
>>
>>
>>
>> *Scorched Earth in I Corps *My angle of vision on these matters is a
>> highly particular one. In early August 1967, I arrived in I Corps, the
>> northernmost district of American military operations in what was then
>> South Vietnam. I was there to report for the* New Yorker* on the “air
>> war.” The phrase was a misnomer. The Vietnamese foe, of course, had no
>> assets in the air in the South, and so there was no “war” of that
>> description.
>>
>> There was only the unilateral bombardment of the land and people by the
>> fantastic array of aircraft assembled by the United States in Vietnam.
>> These ranged from the B-52, which laid down a pattern of destruction a mile
>> long and several football fields wide; to fighter bombers capable of
>> dropping, along with much else, 500-pound bombs and canisters of napalm; to
>> the reconfigured DC-3 equipped with a cannon capable of firing 100 rounds
>> per second; to the ubiquitous fleets of helicopters, large and small, that
>> crowded the skies. All this was abetted by continuous artillery fire into
>> “free-fire” zones and naval bombardment from ships just off the coast.
>>
>> By the time I arrived, the destruction of the villages in the region and
>> the removal of their people to squalid refugee camps was approaching
>> completion. (However, they often returned to their blasted villages, now
>> subject to indiscriminate artillery fire.) Only a few pockets of villages
>> survived. I witnessed the destruction of many of these in Quang Ngai and
>> Quang Tinh provinces from the back seat of small Cessnas called Forward Air
>> Control planes.
>>
>> As we floated overhead day after day, I would watch long lines of houses
>> burst into flames one after another as troops moved through the area of
>> operation. In the meantime, the Forward Air Controllers were calling in air
>> strikes as requested by radio from troops on the ground. In past
>> operations, the villagers had been herded out of the area into the camps.
>> But this time, no evacuation had been ordered, and the population was being
>> subjected to the full fury of a ground and air assault. A rural society was
>> being torn to pieces before my eyes.
>>
>> The broad results of American actions in I Corps were thus visible and
>> measurable from the air. No scorched earth policy had been announced but
>> scorched earth had been the result. Still, a huge piece was missing from
>> the puzzle. I was not able to witness most of the significant operations on
>> the ground firsthand. I sought to interview some soldiers but they would
>> not talk, though one did hint at dark deeds. “You wouldn’t believe it so
>> I’m not going to tell you,” he said to me. “No one’s ever going to find out
>> about some things, and after this war is over, and we’ve all gone home, no
>> one is ever going to know.”
>>
>> In other words, like so many reporters in Vietnam, I saw mainly one
>> aspect of one corner of the war. What I had seen was ghastly, but it was
>> not enough to serve as a basis for generalizations about the conduct of the
>> war as a whole. Just a few years later, in 1969, thanks to the determined
>> efforts of a courageous soldier, Ron Ridenhour
>> <http://www.ridenhour.org/about_ron.html>, and the persistence of a
>> reporter, Seymour Hersh <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seymour_Hersh>,
>> one piece of the hidden truth about ground operations in I Corp came to
>> light.
>>
>> It was the My Lai massacre, in which more than 500 civilians were
>> murdered in cold blood by Charlie Company, 1st Battalion, 20th Infantry, of
>> the Americal Division. In subsequent years, news of other atrocities in the
>> area filtered into the press, often many years after the fact. For example,
>> in 2003 the *Toledo Blade* disclosed
>> <http://www.toledoblade.com/special-tiger-force> a campaign of torture
>> and murder over a period of months, including the summary execution of two
>> blind men by a “reconnaissance” squad called Tiger Force. Still, no
>> comprehensive picture of the generality of ground operations in the area
>> emerged.
>>
>> It has not been until the publication of Turse’s book that the everyday
>> reality of which these atrocities were a part has been brought so fully to
>> light. Almost immediately after the American troops arrived in I Corps, a
>> pattern of savagery was established. My Lai, it turns out, was exceptional
>> only in the numbers killed.
>>
>> Turse offers a massacre at a village called Trieu Ai in October 1967 as a
>> paradigm. A marine company suffered the loss of a man to a booby trap near
>> the village, which had in fact had been mostly burned down by other
>> American forces a few days earlier. Some villagers had, however, returned
>> for their belongings. Now, the Marine company, enraged by its loss but
>> unable to find the enemy, entered the village firing their M-16s, setting
>> fire to any intact houses, and tossing grenades into bomb shelters.
>>
>> A Marine marched a woman into a field and shot her. Another reported that
>> there were children in the shelters that were being blown up. His superior
>> replied, “Tough shit, they grow up to be VC [Vietcong].” Five or ten people
>> rushed out of a shelter when a grenade was thrown into it. They were cut
>> down in a hail of fire. Turse comments:
>>
>>
>>
>> *“In the story of Trieu Ai one can see virtually the entire war writ
>> small. Here was the repeated aerial bombing and artillery fire… Here was
>> the deliberate burning of peasant homes and the relocation of villagers to
>> refugee camps… Angry troops primed to lash out, often following losses
>> within the unit; civilians trapped in their paths; and officers in the
>> field issuing ambiguous or illegal orders to young men conditioned to obey
>> – that was the basic recipe for many of the mass killings carried out by
>> army soldiers and marines over the years.” *The savagery often extended
>> to the utmost depravity: gratuitous torture, killing for target practice,
>> slaughter of children and babies, gang rape. Consider the following
>> all-too-typical actions of Company B, 1st Battalion, 35th infantry
>> beginning in October 1967:
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> *“The company stumbled upon an unarmed young boy. ‘Someone caught him up
>> on a hill, and they brought him down and the lieutenant asked who wanted to
>> kill him…’ medic Jamie Henry later told army investigators. A radioman and
>> another medic volunteered for the job. The radioman… ’kicked the boy in the
>> stomach and the medic took him around behind a rock and I heard one
>> magazine go off complete on automatic…’ “A few days after this incident,
>> members of that same unit brutalized an elderly man to the point of
>> collapse and then threw him off a cliff without even knowing whether he was
>> dead or alive… “A couple of days after that, they used an unarmed man for
>> target practice… “And less than two weeks later, members of Company B
>> reportedly killed five unarmed women… “Unit members rattled off a litany of
>> other brutal acts committed by the company… [including] a living woman who
>> had an ear cut off while her baby was thrown to the ground and stomped on…”
>> *
>>
>> *Pumping Up the Body Count *Turse’s findings completed the picture of
>> the war in I Corps for me. Whatever the policy might have been in
>> theory, the reality*,* on the ground as in the air, was the scorched
>> earth I had witnessed from the Forward Air Control planes. Whatever the
>> United States thought it was doing in I Corps, it was actually waging
>> systematic war against the people of the region.
>>
>> And so it was, as Turse voluminously documents, throughout the country.
>> Details differed from area to area but the broad picture was the same as
>> the one in I Corps. A case in point is the war in the Mekong Delta, home to
>> some five to six million people in an area of less than 15,000 square miles
>> laced with rivers and canals. In February 1968, General Julian Ewell, soon
>> to be known by Vietnamese and Americans alike as “the Butcher of the
>> Delta,” was placed in charge of the 9th Infantry Division.
>>
>> In December 1968, he launched
>> <http://www.thenation.com/article/my-lai-month> Operation Speedy
>> Express. His specialty, amounting to obsession, was increasing “the body
>> count,” ordained by the high command as the key measure of progress in
>> defeating the enemy. Theoretically, only slain soldiers were to be included
>> in that count but – as anyone, soldier or reporter, who spent a half-hour
>> in the field quickly learned – virtually all slain Vietnamese, most of them
>> clearly civilians, were included in the total. The higher an officer’s body
>> count, the more likely his promotion. Privates who turned in high counts
>> were rewarded with mini-vacations. Ewell set out to increase the ratio of
>> supposed enemy soldiers killed to American soldiers killed. Pressure to do
>> so was ratcheted up at all levels in the 9th Division. One of his chiefs of
>> staff “went berserk,” in the words of a later chief of staff.
>>
>> The means were simple: immensely increase the already staggering
>> firepower being used and loosen the already highly permissive “rules of
>> engagement” by, for example, ordering more night raids. In a typical night
>> episode, Cobra gunships strafed a herd of water buffalo and seven children
>> tending them. All died, and the children were reported as enemy soldiers
>> killed in action.
>>
>> The kill ratios duly rose from an already suspiciously high 24 “Vietcong”
>> for every dead American to a completely surreal 134 Vietcong per American.
>> The unreality, however, did not simply lie in the inflated kill numbers but
>> in the identities of the corpses. Overwhelmingly, they were not enemy
>> soldiers but civilians. A “Concerned Sergeant” who protested the operation
>> in an anonymous letter to the high command at the time described the
>> results as he witnessed them:
>>
>>
>>
>> *“A battalion would kill maybe 15 to 20 a day. With 4 battalions in the
>> Brigade that would be maybe 40 to 50 a day or 1200 a month 1500, easy. (One
>> battalion claimed almost 1000 body counts one month!) If I am only 10%
>> right, and believe me its lots more, then I am trying to tell you about
>> 120-150 murders, or a My Lay [My Lai] each month for over a year.” *This
>> range of estimates was confirmed in later analyses. Operations in I Corp
>> perhaps depended more on infantry attacks supported by air strikes, while
>> Speedy Express depended more on helicopter raids and demands for high body
>> counts, but the results were the same: indiscriminate warfare, unrestrained
>> by calculation or humanity, on the population of South Vietnam.
>>
>> Turse reminds us that off the battlefield, too, casual violence – such as
>> the use of military trucks to run over Vietnamese on the roads, seemingly
>> for entertainment – was widespread. The commonest terms for Vietnamese were
>> the racist epithets “gooks,” “dinks,” and “slopes.” And the U.S. military
>> machine was supplemented by an equally brutal American-South Vietnamese
>> prison system in which torture was standard procedure and extrajudicial
>> executions common.
>>
>> How did it happen? How did a country that believes itself to be guided by
>> principles of decency permit such savagery to break out and then allow it
>> to continue for more than a decade?
>>
>> Why, when the first Marines arrived in I Corps in early 1965, did so many
>> of them almost immediately cast aside the rules of war as well as all
>> ordinary scruples and sink to the lowest levels of barbarism? What chains
>> of cause and effect linked “the best and the brightest” of America’s top
>> universities and corporations who were running the war with the murder of
>> those buffalo boys in the Mekong Delta?
>>
>> How did the gates of hell open? This is a different question from the
>> often-asked one of how the United States got into the war. I cannot pretend
>> to begin to do it justice here. The moral and cognitive seasickness that
>> has attended the Vietnam War from the beginning afflicts us still. Yet *Kill
>> Anything that Moves* permits us, finally, to at least formulate the
>> question in light of the actual facts of the case.
>>
>> Reflections would certainly seem in order for a country that, since
>> Vietnam, has done its best to unlearn even such lessons as were learned
>> from that debacle in preparation for other misbegotten wars like those in
>> Iraq and Afghanistan. Here, however, are a few thoughts, offered in a
>> spirit of thinking aloud.
>>
>>
>>
>> *The Fictitious War and the Real One *Roughly since the massacre at My
>> Lai was revealed, people have debated whether the atrocities of the war
>> were the product of decisions by troops on the ground or of high policy, of
>> orders issued from above – whether they were “aberrations” or “operations.”
>> The first school obviously lends itself to bad-apple-in-a-healthy-barrel
>> thinking, blaming individual units for unacceptable behavior while
>> exonerating the higher ups; the second tends to exonerate the troops while
>> pinning the blame on their superiors.
>>
>> Turse’s book shows that the barrel was rotten through and through. It
>> discredits the “aberration” school once and for all. Yet it does not
>> exactly offer support for the orders-from-the-top school either. Perhaps
>> the problem always was that these alternatives framed the situation
>> inaccurately. The relationship between policy and practice in Vietnam was,
>> it turns out, far more peculiar than the two choices suggest.
>>
>> It’s often said that truth is the first casualty of war. In Vietnam,
>> however, it was not just that the United States was doing one thing while
>> saying another (for example, destroying villages while claiming to protect
>> them), true as that was. Rather, from its inception the war’s structure was
>> shaped by an attempt to superimpose a false official narrative on a reality
>> of a wholly different character.
>>
>> In the official war, the people of South Vietnam were resisting the
>> attempts of the North Vietnamese to conquer them in the name of world
>> communism. The United States was simply assisting them in their patriotic
>> resistance. In reality, most people in South Vietnam, insofar as they were
>> politically minded, were nationalists who sought to push out foreign
>> conquerors: first, the French, then the Japanese, and next the Americans,
>> along with their client state, the South Vietnamese government which was
>> never able to develop any independent strength in a land supposedly its
>> own. This fictitious official narrative was not added on later to disguise
>> unpalatable facts; it was baked into the enterprise from the outset.
>>
>> Accordingly, the collision of policy and reality first took place on the
>> ground in Trieu Ai village and its like. The American forces, including
>> their local commanders, were confronted with a reality that the
>> policymakers had not faced and would not face for many long years.
>> Expecting to be welcomed as saviors, the troops found themselves in a sea
>> of nearly universal hostility.
>>
>> No manual was handed out in Washington to deal with the unexpected
>> situation. It was left to the soldiers to decide what to do. Throughout the
>> country, they started to improvise. To this extent, policy was indeed being
>> made in the field. Yet it was not within the troops’ power to reverse basic
>> policy; they could not, for instance, have withdrawn themselves from the
>> whole misconceived exercise. They could only respond to the unexpected
>> circumstances in which they found themselves.
>>
>> The result would combine an incomprehensible and impossible mission
>> dictated from above (to win the “hearts and minds” of a population already
>> overwhelmingly hostile, while pulverizing their society) and locally
>> conceived illegal but sometimes vague orders that left plenty of room for
>> spontaneous, rage-driven improvisation on the ground. In this gap between
>> the fiction of high policy and the actuality of the real war was born the
>> futile, abhorrent assault on the people of Vietnam.
>>
>> The improvisatory character of all this, as Turse emphasizes, can be seen
>> in the fact that while the abuses of civilians were pervasive they were not
>> consistent. As he summarizes what a villager in one brutalized area told
>> him decades later, “Sometimes U.S. troops handed out candies. Sometimes
>> they shot at people. Sometimes they passed through a village hardly
>> touching a thing. Sometimes they burned all the homes. ‘We didn’t
>> understand the reasons why they acted in the way they did.’”
>>
>> Alongside the imaginary official war, then, there grew up the real war on
>> the ground, the one that Turse has, for the first time, adequately
>> described. It is no defense of what happened to point out that, for the
>> troops, it was not so much their orders from on high as their circumstances
>> – what Robert J. Lifton has called “atrocity-producing situations” – that
>> generated their degraded behavior. Neither does such an account provide
>> escape from accountability for the war’s architects without whose blind and
>> misguided policies these infernal situations never would have arisen.
>>
>> In one further bitter irony, this real war came at a certain point to be
>> partially codified at ever higher levels of command into policies that did
>> translate into orders from the top. In effect, the generals gradually – if
>> absurdly, in light of the supposed goals of the war – sanctioned and
>> promoted the *de facto* war on the population. Enter General Ewell and
>> his body counts.
>>
>> In other words, the improvising moved up the chain of command until the
>> soldiers *were* following orders when they killed civilians, though, as
>> in the case of Ewell, those orders rarely took exactly that form.
>> Nonetheless, the generals sometimes went quite far in formulating these new
>> rules, even when they flagrantly contradicted official policies.
>>
>> To give one example supplied by Turse, in 1965, General William
>> Westmoreland, who was made commander of U.S. forces in Vietnam in 1964,
>> implicitly declared war on the peasantry of South Vietnam. He said:
>>
>>
>>
>> *“Until now the war has been characterized by a substantial majority of
>> the population remaining neutral. In the past year we have seen an
>> escalation to a higher intensity in the war. This will bring about a moment
>> of decision for the peasant farmer. He will have to choose if he stays
>> alive.” *Like his underlings, Westmoreland, was improvising. This new
>> policy of, in effect, terrorizing the peasantry into submission was utterly
>> inconsistent with the Washington narrative of winning hearts and minds, but
>> it was fully consistent with everything his forces were actually doing and
>> about to do in I Corps and throughout the country.
>>
>>
>>
>> *A Skyscraper of Lies *One more level of the conflict needs to be
>> mentioned in this context. Documents show that, as early as the mid-1960s,
>> the key mistaken assumptions of the war – that the Vietnamese foe was a
>> tentacle of world communism, that the war was a front in the Cold War
>> rather than an episode in the long decolonization movement of the twentieth
>> century, that the South Vietnamese were eager for rescue by the United
>> States – were widely suspected to be mistaken in official Washington. But
>> one other assumption was not found to be mistaken: that whichever
>> administration “lost” Vietnam would likely lose the next election.
>>
>> Rightly or wrongly, presidents lived in terror of losing the war and so
>> being politically destroyed by a movement of the kind Senator Joe McCarthy
>> launched after the American “loss” of China in 1949. Later, McGeorge Bundy,
>> Lyndon Johnson’s national security advisor, would describe
>> <http://www.amazon.com/dp/0805090878/ref=nosim/?tag=antiwarbookstore>
>> his understanding of the president’s frame of mind at the time this way:
>>
>>
>>
>> *“LBJ isn’t deeply concerned about who governs Laos, or who governs South
>> Vietnam – he’s deeply concerned with what the average American voter is
>> going to think about how he did in the ball game of the Cold War. The great
>> Cold War championship gets played in the largest stadium in the United
>> States and he, Lyndon Johnson, is the quarterback, and if he loses, how
>> does he do in the next election? So don’t lose. Now that’s too simple, but
>> it’s where he is. He’s living with his own political survival every time he
>> looks at these questions.” *In this context, domestic political
>> considerations trumped the substantive reasoning that, once the futility
>> and horror of the enterprise had been revealed, might have led to an end to
>> the war. More and more it was understood to be a murderous farce, but
>> politics dictated that it must continue. As long as this remained the case,
>> no news from Vietnam could lead to a reversal of the war policies.
>>
>> This was the top floor of the skyscraper of lies that was the Vietnam
>> War. Domestic politics was the largest and most fact-proof of the
>> atrocity-producing situations. Do we imagine that this has changed?
>>
>> *Jonathan Schell, a fellow at The Nation Institute, a * TomDispatch
>> <http://www.tomdispatch.com/post/175871/tomgram%3A_jonathan_schell,_a_niagara_falls_of_post-9_11_violence/>*
>> regular, and the peace and disarmament correspondent for the *Nation*
>> magazine, died
>> <http://www.tomdispatch.com/blog/175824/tomgram%3A_in_memoriam%3A_jonathan_schell_%281943-2014%29/>
>> on March 25, 2014. Among many other works, he was the author of * The
>> Real War
>> <http://www.amazon.com/dp/0306809265/ref=nosim/?tag=antiwarbookstore>*,
>> a collection of his *New Yorker
>>
>> * reportage on the Vietnam War. This was originally a joint *TomDispatch
>> */*Nation* article and appeared in print in the *Nation *magazine*.
>>
>>  http://original.antiwar.com/engelhardt/2014/11/30/seeing-
>> the-reality-of-the-vietnam-war-50-years-late-2/
>>
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