http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/michael-gerson-releasing-the-feinstein-report-in-the-middle-of-a-war-would-be-reckless/2014/12/08/e1dd1268-7f15-11e4-8882-03cf08410beb_story.html?wpisrc=nl-headlines&wpmm=1
Releasing the Feinstein report is an act of exceptional recklessness

*W*ith the release of the Feinstein report on CIA interrogations
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/feinstein-cia-searched-intelligence-committee-computers/2014/03/11/982cbc2c-a923-11e3-8599-ce7295b6851c_story.html>of
high-value terrorists a decade ago, let’s consider the situation of
intelligence personnel who have been involved, not in that program but in
drone strikes against terrorists, conducted in a variety of countries
around the world.

They have four sources of direction and protection: Their strikes are
authorized by the president, briefed to Congress, deemed lawful by the
attorney general and determined useful by the CIA director.

Michael Gerson is a nationally syndicated columnist who appears twice
weekly in The Post. *View Archive*
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/people/michael-gerson>

Yet people in the drone program
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2013/03/08/everything-you-need-to-know-about-the-drone-debate-in-one-faq/>know
that co-workers involved in enhanced interrogation had these assurances as
well. And the drone program has some distinctive characteristics. Instead
of employing waterboarding, stress positions and sleep deprivation, the
targets are killed (sometimes with collateral damage to the innocent).
President Obama dramatically expanded the use of drones, increasing the
proportion of attacks that are “signature strikes” — meaning those
authorizing attacks don’t know the identities of the targets, just their
likely value.

Some may argue a subtle moral distinction between harshly interrogating a
terrorist and blowing his limbs apart. But international human rights
groups and legal authorities generally look down on both. The main
difference? One is Obama’s favorite program. A few years from now, a new
president and new congressional leaders may take a different view.

At the CIA, these concerns are not hypothetical. “I know the Predator
program
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/sf/investigative/2014/06/20/when-drones-fall-from-the-sky/>intimately,”
a former senior intelligence officer told me. “There have been hundreds and
hundreds of Predator shots, the most carefully targeted in the history of
warfare, but not 100 percent right. What if the next president, [say] Rand
Paul or Elizabeth Warren, comes after people involved in this program?”

“If you have to worry about a new administration coming along 10 years down
the road,” the intelligence officer told me, “making villains out of agency
officials following the exact letter of the law, it is sobering. We think
about that all the time.”

This is the scrutiny that comes only with success. For many, the 9/11
attacks are becoming as historically and emotionally distant as Pearl
Harbor. But if the United States had the equivalent of a 9/11 attack each
year, the range of acceptable responses would expand. V-E Day, after all,
partially resulted from the firebombing of Dresden. V-J Day encompassed
Hiroshima. Both involved tickertape parades and incinerated children.



The U.S. response in the war against terrorism has been dramatically more
selective and focused on combatants. Even so, the CIA is often forced to
operate at the edge of the United States’ acceptable response — currently
with drone strikes and a variety of activities to degrade and dismantle the
Islamic State
<http://www.reuters.com/article/2014/09/03/us-iraq-crisis-islamicstate-obama-idUSKBN0GY19920140903>.
The avoidance of “boots on the ground
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/post-politics/wp/2014/06/13/obama-says-he-will-not-send-troops-to-iraq/>”
in the Middle East has placed an additional burden on intelligence services
to work with (often flawed) allies, target enemies and strike from afar.
Political leaders, once again, urge intelligence officials to do what is
necessary.



So the Feinstein report comes in the middle of a war, targeting many
Americans who are still engaged in it. It is an act of exceptional
congressional recklessness. Democratic senators on the Intelligence
Committee interviewed none of the key figures in the program, yet fought
for months to make it easier to identify the targets of their report.
“Those personnel,” said (soon to be former) Sen. Mark Udall (D-Colo.), “if
they have that worry, can be given some legitimate security.” This is
clearly what some committee members intended: exposure and a bodyguard.

Sen. Dianne Feinstein
<http://www.feinstein.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/press-releases?ID=db84e844-01bb-4eb6-b318-31486374a895>
(D-Calif.), the outgoing chair of the committee, was thought to be more
responsible. But her legacy is a massive dump of intelligence details
useful to the enemy in a time of war. And she knows the likely
results. Secretary
of State John Kerry expressed the concerns of allies
<http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2014/12/05/kerry-cautions-feinstein-on-timing-cia-report/>
about increased violence. A National Intelligence Council report
<http://news.yahoo.com/a-warning-on--torture-report--release-233244652.html>
warned of threats to embassies, installations and individuals, and explored
how partners would react to the disclosure.

So why has Feinstein donned her Guy Fawkes
<http://www.britannia.com/history/g-fawkes.html>mask? Tension with the CIA?
Simple stubbornness? The main reason, I suspect, is different. Democrats
who approved of enhanced interrogation at the time (such as Feinstein) must
now construct an elaborate fantasy world in which they were not
knowledgeable and supportive. They postulate a new reality in which they
were innocent and deceived — requiring a conspiracy from three former CIA
directors, three former deputy directors and hundreds of others.

Occam would indicate a different answer: guilt, hypocrisy and betrayal.




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