Netanyahu-Mossad split divides US Congress on Iran 
Bloomberg News

  The Israeli intelligence agency Mossad has broken ranks with Prime 
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, telling U.S. officials and lawmakers that a 
new Iran sanctions bill in the Congress would tank the Iran nuclear 
negotiations.

Already, the Obama administration and some leading Republican senators are 
using the Israeli internal disagreement to undermine support for the bill, 
authored by Sens. Mark Kirk, R-Illinois, and Robert Menendez, D-New Jersey, 
which would enact new sanctions if current negotiations falter.

Bob Corker, R-Tennessee, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee 
-- supported by Republican Sens. Lindsay Graham and John McCain -- is 
pushing for his own legislation on the Iran nuclear deal, which doesn't 
contain sanctions but would require that the Senate vote on any pact that 
is agreed upon in Geneva. The White House opposes both the Kirk-Menendez 
bill and the Corker bill; it doesn't want Congress meddling at all in the 
delicate multilateral diplomacy with Iran.

Israeli intelligence officials have been briefing both Obama administration 
officials and visiting U.S. senators about their concerns on the 
Kirk-Menendez bill, which would increase sanctions on Iran only if the 
Iranian government can't strike a deal with the so-called P5+1 countries by 
a June 30 deadline or fails to live up to its commitments. Meanwhile, the 
Israeli prime minister's office has been supporting the Kirk-Menendez bill, 
as does the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, ahead of what will be 
a major foreign policy confrontation between the executive and legislative 
branches of the U.S. government in coming weeks.

Evidence of the Israeli rift surfaced Wednesday when Secretary of State 
John Kerry said that an unnamed Israeli intelligence official had said the 
new sanctions bill would be "like throwing a grenade into the process." But 
an initial warning from Israeli Mossad leaders was also delivered last week 
in Israel to a Congressional delegation -- including Corker, Graham, McCain 
and fellow Republican John Barrasso; Democratic Sens. Joe Donnelly and Tim 
Kaine; and independent Angus King -- according to lawmakers who were 
present and staff members who were briefed on the exchange. When Menendez 
(who was not on the trip) heard about the briefing, he quickly phoned 
Israeli Ambassador to the U.S. Ron Dermer to seek clarification.

Barrasso told us Tuesday that different parts of the Israeli government 
told the delegation different things. "We met with a number of government 
officials from many different parts of the government. There's not a 
uniform view there," he said.

In a Wednesday morning hearing on Iran at the Senate Foreign Relations 
Committee, Corker talked about the Israel visit and said that his bill (not 
the Kirk-Menendez bill) was acceptable to all the Israeli officials they 
spoke with.

"Some of us were in Israel this weekend over this very same issue. We have 
heard no one, no one, say that if Congress were to weigh in on the final 
agreement it would in any way destabilize the negotiations," Corker said.

Menendez is so livid at the administration, he decried its efforts to avert 
Congressional action on Iran at the hearing, telling Deputy Secretary of 
State Tony Blinken, "You know, I have to be honest with you, the more I 
hear from the administration in its quotes, the more it sounds like talking 
points that come straight out of Tehran."

Tuesday night, President Obama threatened to veto the Kirk-Menendez bill if 
it passes Congress. Wednesday morning, House Speaker John Boehner,R-Ohio, 
responded by announcing that Netanyahu has accepted his invitation to 
address a joint session of Congress on Feb. 11, just as Congress is likely 
to be embroiled in a legislative fight over both bills. Boehner told fellow 
Republicans that he was specifically inviting Netanyahu to address the 
threat posed by radical Islam and Iran. Netanyahu is expected to deliver 
full-throated support for sanctions. The administration is upset that 
Netanyahu accepted Boehner's invitation without notifying them, the latest 
indication of the poor relationship between the Israeli government and the 
White House.

Two senior U.S. officials tell us that the Mossad has also shared its view 
with the administration that if legislation that imposed a trigger leading 
to future sanctions on Iran was signed into law, it would cause the talks 
to collapse.

The Israeli view shared with Corker and other senators also mirrors the 
assessment from the U.S. intelligence community. "We've had a standing 
assessment on this," one senior administration official told us. "We 
haven't run the new Kirk- Menendez bill through the process, but the point 
is that any bill that triggers sanctions would collapse the talks. That's 
what the assessment is." Another intelligence official said that the 
Israelis had come to the same conclusion.

This is not the first time Israel's Mossad has been at odds with Netanyahu 
on Iran. In December 2010, former Mossad chief Meir Dagan told Israeli 
reporters that he had openly opposed an order from Netanyahu to prepare a 
military attack on Iran. At the time, Obama was also working to persuade 
the Israeli prime minister to hold off on attacking Iran.

Iranian diplomats have also routinely threatened to leave the talks if new 
sanctions were imposed. Javad Zarif, Iran's foreign minister, at the end of 
December said new sanctions would "violate the spirit" of the negotiations 
that have been going on for more than a year now.

Despite the intelligence analyses, however, predicting Iranian behavior is 
no exact science. There is still much about Iran's program that U.S. spies 
do not know. In November, former CIA director Michael Hayden told Congress 
that U.S. intelligence assessments do not have a "complete picture" of the 
extent of Iran's nuclear program.

On Capitol Hill, the fight over how to proceed against the administration 
is far from over. The Senate Banking Committee was supposed to mark up the 
Kirk-Menendez bill on Thursday, but the session was delayed by one week. 
Some Senate staffers told us that Democrats asked for the delay because 
Menendez wants to get more Democrats to commit to his bill before he goes 
public.

A main pitch of the Kirk-Menendez bill is that is could garner bipartisan 
-- even perhaps veto-proof -- support in the face of Obama's disapproval. 
So far, most Democrats have stayed on the sidelines, especially after Obama 
and Menendez got into a heated argument over the bill at last week's 
private Democratic retreat. Kirk and Menendez softened their proposal to 
make it more palatable to Democrats, by giving the president more 
flexibility than the previous version and providing the administration 
waivers after the fact.

Corker, Graham and McCain are trying to woo Democrats to their side by 
arguing that avoiding sanctions language altogether and simply mandating 
that the Senate get a vote is a more bipartisan approach. Only a handful of 
Democrats will support any Iran bill, so competition for these votes is 
heated.

At least one senior Democrat, Kaine, is leaning toward the Corker team and 
away from Kirk-Menendez.

"[Corker's] bill basically just acknowledges the reality that Congress has 
to weigh in on this, so I think that's preferable," Kaine told us Tuesday. 
"I've always been concerned that anything with respect to new sanctions, 
even prospectively, would put the focus on the way we are negotiating, not 
on Iran's behavior. And I think the focus should stay on Iran's behavior."

Kirk and Menendez do have one ace in the hole: Senate Majority Leader Mitch 
McConnell, R-Kentucky, has promised his caucus members that the 
Kirk-Menendez bill will be brought to the Senate floor for a vote. Corker, 
whose bill has not been introduced yet, has received no such assurance.

There are a variety of ways the legislative fight could play out. Corker, 
who is also on the Banking Committee, could add his bill to Kirk-Menendez 
next week. Alternatively, he could run his bill through his own committee 
and then bring it to the floor alongside Kirk-Menendez. The jostling over 
jurisdiction and control has only begun.

And now the announcement of Netanyahu's visit to Washington will only add 
fuel to the fire. And the fight could play out just as the March deadline 
for the administration to conclude a framework political agreement with 
Iranians approaches.
No one knows if the administration can get the Iranians to "yes," but 
Congress isn't going to stay silent. And whenever it finishes battling 
itself over what to do on Iran, it will then have to turn to the 
administration, which will be well prepared to go to war on whichever bill 
reaches the president's desk.

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