*John Kerry’s End-Run Around Congress on Iran*

Posted By *Joseph Klein* On March 17, 2015

Secretary of State John Kerry disgraced his office yet again during his
appearance before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on March 11th. He
sharply criticized an open letter to Iran’s leadership drafted by Arkansas
Senator Tom Cotton and signed by 47 Republicans, which simply made the
point that in our democratic republic the president does not get to bind
our country irreversibly to an executive agreement he signs unilaterally
with another country. “My reaction to the letter was utter disbelief,”
Kerry lamented. He declared that “this letter ignores more than two
centuries of precedent in the conduct of American foreign policy. It
purports to tell the world that if you want to have any confidence in your
dealings with America they have to negotiate with 535 members of Congress.”
He called such an idea “both untrue and profoundly a bad suggestion.”

In any event, added Kerry, Congress would not be able to change the terms
of any nuclear deal entered into by President Obama and the other five
negotiating partners with Iran. His explanation was pure Orwellian
doubletalk. Kerry asserted that what he was negotiating would not be
considered a “legally binding plan,” but would have “a capacity for
enforcement.”

At one fell swoop, Kerry displayed contempt, hypocrisy and evasiveness to
members of a co-equal branch of our government and to the American people.

Perhaps Secretary of State Kerry forgot what Senator Kerry did shortly
after entering the Senate in 1985 and joining the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee. He was then a junior senator, just like Senator Cotton is today.
However, unlike Senator Cotton, Senator Kerry did not just write an open
letter to the leader of a country with which the United States had an
adversarial relationship. He went much further – literally.

At the time, a core element of the Reagan administration’s foreign policy
was to oppose any dealings with the Communist leaning government in
Nicaragua led by President Daniel Ortega Saavedra and to support rebels,
known as contras, who were challenging the regime.

Kerry did not like the Reagan policy towards the Nicaraguan regime and
opposed providing any aid to the contras. That would have been fine if he
had confined himself to his legislative duties. However, Kerry decided to
actively interfere with the Reagan administration’s foreign policy. Joined
by then Senator Harkin of Iowa, Kerry traveled down to Nicaragua and met
with Nicaraguan President Ortega for face-to-face discussions. Said Kerry
at the time: “Senator Harkin and I are going to Nicaragua as Vietnam-era
veterans who are alarmed that the Reagan administration is repeating the
mistakes we made in Vietnam. I am willing….. to take the risk in the effort
to put to test the good faith of the Sandinistas.”

Senator Kerry brought back Ortega’s offer of a cease-fire if Congress
rejected aid to the rebels.

Kerry described Ortega’s peace proposal as “a wonderful opening.” On the
Senate floor he said, “Here, in writing, is a guarantee of the security
interest of the United States.”

Shortly after Kerry returned from his trip with his “guarantee” from Ortega
in hand, Ortega visited Moscow where his regime was granted a $200 million
loan.

White House Deputy Press Secretary Robert Sims said the proposal, which had
not been made formally to the U.S. Embassy, contained “nothing new” and did
not provide for “a dialogue of reconciliation.” He said its main purpose
appeared to be aimed at influencing a Congressional vote against providing
aid to the Nicaraguan rebels.

Secretary of State George P. Shultz condemned the trip. “We cannot conduct
a successful policy when (congressmen) take trips or write ‘Dear
Comandante’ letters with the aim of negotiating” with the Nicaraguan
government, Shultz said. “I’m sure it’s a quite a problem for us when
Senators run around and start dealing with the Communists themselves.”
Schultz called the Ortega offer delivered by Kerry and Harkin a “fraud”
that was “designed to distract attention” just before Congress was
preparing to vote on aid to the rebels.

Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger also weighed in. “If the
Nicaraguans want to make an offer, they ought to make it in diplomatic
channels,” Kissinger said. “We can’t be negotiating with our own
congressmen and Nicaragua simultaneously.”

Kerry denied that he had negotiated with Ortega. But that is exactly what
he and former Senator Harkin had done, waving Ortega’s peace offer that
Ortega made directly to them.

Flash forward 30 years to Secretary of State John Kerry’s hypocritical
condemnation of the Republican senators’ open letter to the leaders of
Iran. No senator traveled to Iran to meet with its Supreme Leader or
president, as Senator Kerry had done when he took it upon himself to meet
with Ortega. All the Republican senators did was to write the equivalent of
an op-ed piece, framed as an open letter to Iran, informing them of
Congress’ constitutional role in connection with any negotiated nuclear
arms deal with Iran. President Obama brought this on himself when he
cavalierly indicated his intention to veto any legislation that would give
Congress the right to review, much less approve, the terms of any deal with
Iran before it goes into effect.

While Kerry was crystal clear in his criticism of the Republican senators’
action, his declaration that what he was negotiating would not be
considered a “legally binding plan,” but would have “a capacity for
enforcement,” is another matter. At first blush, it seems to be internally
contradictory. How can something be non-binding yet enforceable? The answer
to Kerry’s cryptic statement lies in the United Nations Security Council.

The five permanent members of the Security Council – the United States, the
United Kingdom, France, China and the Russian Federation – are negotiating
a nuclear deal with Iran. Germany is also represented on what is called the
P5+1 negotiating team. If the framework of a deal is finalized with Iran,
the United States or one or more of the other members of the Security
Council can submit a resolution to the Council that endorses the agreement
framework. The resolution could call for incorporation of the deal’s terms
into a final agreement and its full implementation, including inspections
by the International Atomic Energy Agency. The resolution would likely
include a statement that the Security Council reserves the right to impose
unspecified consequences if Iran violates any provisions of the agreement.
If Iran shows evidence of compliance, the sanctions previously imposed on
Iran by the Security Council could be lifted. Such a resolution would be
considered legally binding under international law with “a capacity for
enforcement” under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. It would not
be subject to rejection by Congress. In other words, by using the United
Nations to endorse and effectively incorporate by reference the terms of
the deal, the Obama administration would be presenting Congress and the
American people with a fait accompli.

This is not just a theory. Reuters reported exclusively on March 12th
<http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/03/12/us-iran-nuclear-idUSKBN0M82IS20150312>
that talks are underway on a UN Security Council resolution “to lift U.N.
sanctions on Iran if a nuclear agreement is struck, a step that could make
it harder for the U.S. Congress to undo a deal.” This would not
automatically affect the separately imposed sanctions by the United States
and its allies. However, it would give President Obama more leverage in
arguing that such sanctions should be eased as well so as not to be out of
sync with such an internationally supported Security Council resolution. Of
course, the resolution would have been set in motion by the Obama
administration itself in order to neutralize any Congressional opposition
to a deal negotiated with Iran.

Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif said earlier this week, in criticizing
the Republican senators’ open letter, that if the current negotiations
result in a Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, it “will not be a bilateral
agreement between Iran and the US, but rather one that will be concluded
with the participation of five other countries, including all permanent
members of the Security Council, and will also be endorsed by a Security
Council resolution.”

The State Department is being cagier. In an exchange with reporters at the
March 11th daily State Department press conference, the State Department
spokesperson Jen Psaki alluded to the role that the Security Council played
with regard to the chemical weapons disposal agreement worked out with the
Syrian regime. However, she avoided answering whether the same model might
be used to render a deal with Iran legally binding under international law:

PSAKI: Well, I used the example of Syria, right, as an example. This
framework was not legally binding and was not subject to congressional
approval. It outlined steps for eliminating Syria’s chemical weapons and
helped lay the groundwork for successful multilateral efforts to move
forward. So I’m just conveying what we’re talking about as it relates to
the political understandings and what we’re discussing with the parties.

QUESTION: I guess maybe this a question you could ask the lawyers, because
I’m sure it’s not there. But I mean, if it was nonbinding, why did the
Syrians comply with it

PSAKI: Well, as you know, we – there was an agreement – there were
discussions, and they agreed to certain terms.

QUESTION: Right.

PSAKI: And then it went to the OPCW and then it went to the UN. So —

QUESTION: Actually, in the case of the security – the Syrian agreement,
there was a Security Council vote, which I think made it binding.

PSAKI: Well, that – I just said. And then it went to the UN to the Security
Council vote…

QUESTION: The Iranians have talked about this, whatever it is, that if
anything happens, that it being – the idea that the UN Security Council
would at least endorse it if not enshrine it in some kind of a resolution.
Is that something that you think would be useful?

PSAKI: I’m just not going to get ahead of how this would be implemented at
this point in time.

At the March 12th press briefing, Ms. Psaki continued to avoid being pinned
down on any specific future role for the Security Council, indicating that
it was too early to say. However, she was more explicit about the analogy
between the handling of the chemical weapons deal with Syria, which
included a Security Council resolution, and the handling of a possible
nuclear deal with Iran. She said that “this would be the same kind of
arrangement as many of our previous international security initiatives,
which I think everybody feels were worthwhile in making – so such as the
framework negotiated with Russia to destroy Syria’s chemical weapons…”

Reading between the lines, the Obama administration appears ready to skirt
any formal Congressional role in reviewing a negotiated deal with Iran. It
will make no difference whether the deal includes a sunset clause after
which all bets are off. It will also make no difference whether the deal
allows Iran, in the meantime, to maintain as many as 6500 operational
centrifuges enriching enough fuel to make nuclear bombs, while also
allowing Iran to plow ahead unimpeded with its missile delivery systems.
Instead, President Obama and Secretary of State Kerry appear prepared to
use the UN Security Council to convert a non-binding deal into a binding
legal commitment under international law and begin immediately easing
pressure on Iran from the UN imposed sanctions. Obama’s executive actions
to erode U.S. sanctions will surely follow. In hiding behind the UN, Obama
and Kerry will freeze Congress out of the process and jeopardize the
security of United States and its allies.

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URL to article:
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<http://www.frontpagemag.com/2015/joseph-klein/john-kerrys-end-run-around-congress-on-iran/>*




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