[[  The "here-sunni-sunni-sunnis"  vs  the "don't-step-in-the-Shiites".  ]]


That would be like Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union fighting each other,
or Iran vs Iraq.



There’s a downside?



B





http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2015/06/10/269371/mideasts-worst-case-a-big-war.html



*Mideast’s worst case: A ‘big war’ pitting Shia Muslims against Sunni*

By Roy Gutman

McClatchy NewspapersJune 10, 2015

[image: Description: APTOPIX Mideast Iraq Islamic State]

In this image taken May 28, 2015, Iraq's Badr Brigades Shiite militia
detain four suspected militants of the Islamic State group outside the oil
refinery in Beiji, some 155 miles north of Baghdad, Iraq. The men were
planning to attack oil refinery checkpoints, the militia said.

UNCREDITED — AP

ISTANBUL — The Middle East crisis that peaked one year ago Wednesday when
the Islamic State captured Mosul may result in the breakup of Iraq and an
indefinite continuation of a war in Syria that’s already out of control,
analysts say.

Yet still worse things could happen.

“The conditions are very much like 1914,” says Michael Stephens of the
Royal United Service Institute in London. “All it will take is one little
spark, and Iran and Saudi Arabia will go at each other, believing they are
fighting a defensive war.”

Hiwa Osman, an Iraqi Kurdish commentator, was even more blunt: “The whole
region is braced for the big war, the war that has not yet happened, the
Shiite-Sunni war.”

U.S. and foreign experts say the U.S still has not developed a strategy for
dealing with the Sunni extremists who now hold more territory Iraq and
Syria than one year ago. President Barack Obama on Monday acknowledged that
the U.S. strategy in Iraq was a work in progress. “We don’t have, yet, a
complete strategy, because it requires commitments on the part of Iraqis as
well,” Obama said at the close of the G-7 summit in Germany. “The details
are not worked out.”

The experts criticize America’s detachment from the four wars now under way
in the region. And they say the Obama administration is banking on Iran to
stabilize the region, a very dubious course.

The one conflict where the U.S. has poured money, weapons and military
advisers is Iraq, but the outlook after the Sunni city of Ramadi fell to
the Sunni extremists is for a long, drawn-out conflict.

John Allen, the former retired Marine Corps general who serves as U.S.
envoy to the global coalition fighting the Islamic State, told an audience
in Qatar last week that it “will be a long campaign” and defeating its
ideology will take “a generation or more.”

Allen laid out five areas for cooperation against the Islamic State –
denying “safe haven” to its forces, disrupting the flow of foreign
fighters, curbing access to foreign finances, providing humanitarian relief
and responding to group’s propaganda.

But he made no mention of addressing the political causes that allowed the
Islamic State to take root in Iraq – disaffection by Sunnis with their
treatment by the Shiite-led central government.

“IS cannot be ended by Kurds, Shiites, Americans or Iran. It has to be done
by Sunni Arabs,” said Osman. “You need to present them with a deal for the
day after IS is defeated. And no one has managed to articulate that vision
for them,” he said.

Conceivably, that would be a federal system that ends Shiite domination of
the security services, but most importantly secures reconciliation with
Baathists, members of the party that ruled Iraq under the late dictator
Saddam Hussein. Baathists are said to comprise a great many of the top
positions in the Islamic State military apparatus.

“I am extremely pessimistic” about the future of Iraq, said Toby Dodge, a
leading scholar on Iraq who teaches at the London School of Economics. He
said he doubted that Prime Minister Haider al Abadi, “a very decent man, a
smart man,” could save Iraq. But “he’s hostage to his own constituency,
radical Shiite Islamism. What he needs is to appeal to the disenfranchised
Sunnis of the northwest.”

He said an Iraqi civil war “is almost unavoidable.”

Some Iraq scholars argue that the country can be saved. Decentralization of
power, reconciliation with Baathists and other concessions that would
motivate Sunnis to oust the Islamic State are “feasible, absolutely,” says
Kenneth Pollack of the Brookings Institution, a Washington think tank.

But he said the administration is not making the effort.

“I believe it is negligence,” he said. “They continue to insist we can’t
want this more than the Iraqis. . . . This is historical nonsense. If you
leave it to the Iraqis, they won’t do the right thing even if they want to.”

The other big issue left out of Allen’s presentation was a strategy for
Syria, where the Islamic State has its headquarters. Pro-Western rebel
forces are willing to fight the Islamic State but insist on also taking on
the regime of Syrian President Bashar Assad, which has permitted the
Islamic State to seize and hold territory, mostly without a fight.

Last week, when Islamic State forces advanced on the country’s biggest
city, Aleppo, the regime bombed rebels, not Islamic State forces. In
response to rebel pleas, the U.S. mounted one airstrike Sunday against the
Islamic State, but it didn’t coordinate it with fighters on the ground.
This has raised suspicions that U.S. won’t block the Islamic State from
advancing on Aleppo.

“I just don’t think they care,” said Pollack.

What worries scholars and expert observers the most is the seeming U.S.
detachment from the region’s wars – in Syria and Iraq, from Yemen, where
Saudi forces are bombing pro-Iranian insurgents, and from Libya, where
Egypt has mounted airstrikes against Islamic State -linked insurgents.

Everyone agrees that the international system is very different from 1914,
when the two competing European alliances went to war. But there are
similarities.

That was “a crisis nobody wanted to have. When it came, it would be over in
a few months’ time. It would end all wars. Everybody knows what happened,”
said Thorbjorn Jagland, a Norwegian politician and secretary general of the
Council of Europe, a human rights watchdog body.

“I don’t want to call the leaders today sleepwalkers, but maybe they have
entered into a situation that nobody intended or wanted,” he said.

“There are too many actors and too many unknowns. Everyone seems to be
stuck in his own way,” said Altay Cengizer, director of policy planning at
the Turkish Foreign Ministry. He warned of the dangers of a prolonged
crisis. “We are playing with fire,” he said. “You cannot all day long play
with fire. A fire will start.”


Read more here:
http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2015/06/10/269371/mideasts-worst-case-a-big-war.html#storylink=cpy




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