http://www.fpri.org/geopoliticus/2015/07/seven-deadly-sins-human-terrain-system-insiders-perspective


The Seven Deadly Sins of the Human Terrain System: An Insider’s Perspective

*People: *

*Ryan Evans <http://www.fpri.org/contributors/ryan-evans>*

July 13, 2015

The Human Terrain System
<http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2015/06/29/human-terrain-system-afghanistan/29476409/>
(HTS) – a U.S. Army program aimed at helping U.S. and allied military
forces understand the people around them in Iraq and Afghanistan – is dead.
And anthropologists are dancing ritualistically around its corpse
<http://savageminds.org/2015/07/08/good-bye-and-good-riddance-to-human-terrain-system/>
.

[image: Description:
http://www.fpri.org/docs/resize/us_army_patrol_in_eastern_afghanistan-400x314.jpg]

The idea behind HTS was simple and promising: embed social scientists with
military units and give them the resources to unearth operationally
relevant socio-cultural data and findings. Its founders, Dr. Montgomery
McFate, an anthropologist by training, and former Army officer Steve
Fondacaro stood the program up and served as its leaders and missionaries
for its first few years of existence. At the height of operations in Iraq
and Afghanistan most ground-holding brigades and special operations units
had Human Terrain Teams (HTTs) supported by Human Terrain Analysis Teams
(HTATs) at the division level.

So what went wrong? When Tom Vanden Brook broke the story of the death of
HTS
<http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2015/06/29/human-terrain-system-afghanistan/29476409/>
he focused on fraud, racial and sexual harassment, as well as ethical
issues related to the program’s roots in anthropology. His sources for the
story, his most recent of several on the program, were a predictably bland
statement by an Army spokesman, Dr. Roberto Gonzalez – an anthropologist at
San Jose State University who, like many of his disciplinary colleagues,
has been a consistent critic of the program, and Rep. Duncan Hunter
(R-Calif), who has waged war against HTS for years.

I was surprised and disappointed that Brook did not dig a little deeper. He
did not get any of the hundreds of people who worked for HTS to comment on
the record, even though a number of us write for public consumption these
days and probably would have been happy to talk to him. He did not
reference any of the four major studies (briefly reviewed at e-IR by
Michael Davies
<http://www.e-ir.info/2013/09/21/the-truth-about-human-terrain-teams-an-evidence-based-response-to-gian-gentile/>)
that sought to assess the program’s effectiveness. He did not seek out any
scholars who have conducted pathbreaking research on HTS, such as Christopher
Sims
<http://www.bath.ac.uk/polis/research/conflict-security-international-order/past-events/event_0011.html>
who recently finished his doctoral work at the King’s College London War
Studies Department on this very subject.

Instead, Brook went to an anthropologist who had no association with the
program (but wrote a stinging critique of it in 2009
<http://www.amazon.com/American-Counterinsurgency-Human-Science-Terrain/dp/0979405742>)
and a Member of Congress who is a known foe of the program. He tried to go
to the Army and it is unfortunate they did not offer anything substantive.

One cannot get at why HTS failed without looking at all the information at
hand. This actually matters because understanding socio-cultural issues in
war zones remains an important endeavor. I spoke to several of my former
Human Terrain System colleagues, some of whom I did not actually get to
know until after I had come home, to identify the seven deadly sins of the
program from an insider perspective. What were they?

   1. *Calling it anthropology*

One of the program’s founders was McFate – a trained anthropologist who was
also involved in developing Field Manual 3-24 on counterinsurgency. When
the program started receiving media coverage in 2007 as an anthropological
program, the American Anthropological Association was livid. They called it
“an unacceptable application of anthropological expertise
<http://www.aaanet.org/about/policies/statements/human-terrain-system-statement.cfm>”
and launched what amounted to a jihad against HTS.

Anthropology is a valuable academic discipline that has helped to shed
light on diverse cultures around the world, however it tends to attract and
foster those with opinions on the far left of the political spectrum. At
the risk of over-generalizing, Western anthropologists as a group are
skeptical of the U.S. military and generally politically opposed to U.S.
wars. This is a cultural departure from the earlier history of the
discipline, which some say was overly intertwined with imperial projects
and ambitions – a legacy that is deeply regretted by many present day
scholars of this discipline and feeds their skepticism of many western
military operations.

It was therefore no surprise that the American Anthropological Association
came after the Human Terrain System with everything they had, even
producing a highly critical 73-page report on the program
<http://www.aaanet.org/cmtes/commissions/CEAUSSIC/upload/CEAUSSIC_HTS_Final_Report.pdf>
in 2009. But HTS was not an anthropological effort and never should have
been called one or defended on that basis. HTS officials spent a great deal
of focus trying to “engage” with the anthropological community and make
nice. HTS leaders insisted the program was not an intelligence effort (also
untrue, as I discuss below) to appease crunchy academics. But that was an
unwise and unnecessary effort.

HTS drew on social scientists from a variety of disciplines (not, as some
think, primarily because of its rejection by the anthropological community)
as well as historians. Field research and ethnography are not the exclusive
domains of the anthropologist. And HTS personnel did not even have the time
or opportunities to do proper ethnography (as discussed eloquently by David
Edwards <http://smallwarsjournal.com/blog/journal/docs-temp/630-edwards.pdf>
).

So what were they doing?

   1. *Denying it was an intelligence program*

HTS leadership constantly denied that it was an intelligence program (read
this semi-ridiculous FAQ
<https://web.archive.org/web/20090825062303/http:/humanterrainsystem.army.mil/faqs.html>)
to the media, representatives from the anthropological community, and those
of us who went through HTS training because someone decided that
“intelligence” is a dirty word.

HTS was absolutely an intelligence program and the Army and HTS leaders
should have embraced it from the start. All “intelligence” means is
information gathered and analyzed at the institutional level to inform
decision-making.  What’s more, the program fell under the G2 (“2” indicates
“intelligence”) at the U.S. Army’s Training and Doctrine Command (TRADOC).
This U.S. Army budget document called it a “Military Intelligence Program
<http://asafm.army.mil/Documents/OfficeDocuments/Budget/BudgetMaterials/FY11/opmaint/oma-v1.pdf>.”
As an HTS employee (and Department of the Army civilian), I fell under
the Defense
Civilian Intelligence Personnel System <http://dcips.dtic.mil/> (DCIPS), as
did my HTS colleagues. Many Human Terrain Teams, including my own, worked
closely with and were embedded within the intelligence staff sections in
the brigades they served. Does that mean we were involved with lethal
targeting? No, of course not. But we absolutely collected and analyzed
information that informed military operations.

   1. *Flawed recruitment*

There were generally three types of people who joined HTS. The first were
people who believed in a mission (although not necessarily the ones our
forces were in Iraq and Afghanistan for) and wanted to contribute to it.
The second were people who saw such a deployment as an opportunity for
self-actualization, escape, or adventure. The third were people looking to
make a buck (HTS was a well-paid gig, even after the program switched from
employing contractors to government personnel).

All three categories had their problems. You had special ops-wannabes, a
guy who had previously worked in Afghanistan (and got kicked out) but
wanted to return solely to get some locals funding to build a doll factory
(no joke), another guy who wanted to introduce Christianity in Afghanistan…
I could go on.

My job interview for HTS was a joke. It was two ten minute phone interviews
and, as far as I know, they followed up on exactly zero of my references. I
have no reason to believe that this was not typical, especially once I met
some of the people with whom I was in training, to include fantasists and
fraudsters who routinely and obviously embellished their experience (many –
but not all – of the worst were weeded out during training and did not make
it to deployment). Once one made it past this ridiculously low hurdle, we
were hired as contractors and told to show up at Ft. Leavenworth, where we
would be trained and, eventually, “transitioned” into the ranks of the
Department of the Army as civil servants.

What they did not tell us was that this transition process was actually a
whole separate job application process. Once we arrived in Leavenworth, we
were told we had to apply for the government version of the job and if we
did not make it through, we would be sent packing. I accept that they
couldn’t just let us into the ranks of government service without some sort
of process, but they should have told people ahead of time that this would
be the case. People had left their jobs and even sold their homes with the
expectation that they had a real job.

As it turns out, the government application process was also absurd (but
far more cumbersome) and we were told pretty directly by a Department of
the Army civilian official that they would not have the time to check our
references. Still, many people were weeded out at this point.
Unfortunately, they were often the wrong people. Most Afghan-Americans and
Iraqi-Americans in the training program did not make it through this
process. One colleague who had done his graduate work at Oxford got turned
out at this point because Oxford was not recognized by the Department of
the Army (no joke). Some of the wash-out survivors were the most
troublesome and the biggest perpetuators of sexual harassment.

Take a breath before you attack the contracting companies that brought in
misfits and oversaw an ineffective recruitment process. They were executing
the contract as it was written and it was written poorly. True
responsibility sits with the Army.

   1. *Awful training and deployment processes*

Maybe two weeks of useful training was spread out over five and a half
months.  Our training schedules changed on a daily basis, introducing a
frustrating element of unpredictability that did not set HTS trainees up
for success. We also received way too little language training. And for you
taxpayers out there, the entire time we were in training, we were staying
in nice hotels, had rental cars provided for us (complete with reimbursed
gas), and received per diem on top of our generous salaries.

Training would have been a great opportunity to assess the strengths and
weaknesses of candidates. While efforts were made along these lines, they
were ineffectual. One huge missed opportunity was the failure to capitalize
on prior in-country experience by U.S. military personnel and civilians in
HTS. People with experience in one part of Iraq or Afghanistan should have
been enabled to go back to those areas, where they would have had the most
value. No efforts were made in that direction. People did not usually know
where in Iraq or Afghanistan they were going until a couple weeks before
they deployed, which deprived them of a chance to do in-depth research on
the provincial and district levels of analysis – which is where HTTs did
all their work.

   1. *Deploying personnel who were unprepared to survive in a combat zone*

Up until at least late 2010, HTS trainees received no practical training on
how to safely use firearms and to survive in combat, despite the fact that
many of us would be expected or given the opportunity to carry firearms and
get shot at. The official line was we could be trained and certified for
these sorts of things downrange by the brigades we were working with – a
form of on the job combat training.

One former HTTer conveyed an all-too-common experience to me:

My on the job training in Afghanistan included: riding in an MRAP for the
first time; riding in a helicopter for the first time; shooting an M4 and
M9 for the first time.  I “qualified” on an M4 at a strong point
overlooking an abandoned village by shooting at a house with a suspected
sniper inside. Luckily he wasn't shooting back at the time. The first time
I wore NODs [night observation device] was on a night time patrol and I'm
lucky I didn't fall on my face let alone step outside the cleared path.

Ridiculous, right?

While I had fired rifles and pistols a few times before HTS, I had never
been that into guns. While in training, I went to the range with current
and former military personnel in my training class who kindly showed me the
ropes as well as they could. I also spent a sizeable amount of my own money
to fly to the U.S. Shooting Academy in Tulsa, Oklahoma during my
pre-deployment leave to take a private class with a former recon Marine on
handling and firing a carbine and a pistol.  Luckily, I had an amazing and
responsible team leader (an Army reserve officer) who insured once we were
in Afghanistan that those of us who wanted to carry firearms (I carried an
M9 on most missions) were trained and appropriately equipped to do so.

After my training was complete, HTS started to send its people through more
rigorous training at Ft. Polk.

   1. *Broken leadership and organizational culture*

This is a bit misleading, because to call the HTS organizational culture
“broken” implies that it was once whole. It never was. There was a
pervasive sense that leadership did not care much for the well-being of the
people in the program during training and especially once they were
deployed. Sexual harassment was a big problem, both in training and
downrange, but it should be noted that this was (and remains) a broader
U.S. military problem – not just an HTS problem – yet the fact that
accountability mechanisms in HTS were so messed up (and sometimes just
absent) made it worse.

   1. *Trying to become the COIN poster boys and gals hid the real success
   stories*

The problems of HTS were rooted in the early public narrative on the
program, which started with the major media attention it started to receive
in 2007. HTS advocates in and out of the Army tried to sell the program as
the thing that would make counterinsurgency work. You know those hearts and
minds you are trying to win? Well here are the folks that will help you see
inside them and tell you what you’ll have to do. This was never a realistic
aim and it was rooted in a fundamental misconception of how and why
counterinsurgency operations can be successful (read my chapter in this book
<https://books.google.com/books?id=ETDFAgAAQBAJ&dq=the+new+counterinsurgency+era+in+critical+perspective&source=gbs_navlinks_s>
).

Human Terrain Teams were never going to “fix” counterinsurgency or make it
work, but at their best, a functioning team could provide a sharper lens
through which their brigades could see their area of operations. The
saddest part about the Human Terrain System legacy is that many teams were
successful at this (as confirmed by four authoritative studies of the
program) and provided real value to their brigades, but this was all lost
in the public discourse because so many mistakes were made in recruitment,
training, management, and everything else I discuss above.

I am proud of the work I did in Afghanistan on a Human Terrain Team and so
are most of my HTS comrades. It is crucial that we understand the seven
deadly sins of HTS, but I hope journalists also talk about the good things.
They happened too and they matter.

*Ryan Evans is the editor-in-chief of War on the Rocks
<http://warontherocks.com/>. He worked as a U.S. Human Terrain Team social
scientist in Helmand province from November 2010 to August 2011. *




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