Next Steps in the Implementation of the JCPOA

[image: Description: Next Steps in the Implementation of the JCPOA]




*8th December 2015 - FDD Research *

Written by Olli Heinonen

On December 2, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) released its
long-awaited report on possible military dimensions (PMDs) of Iran’s
nuclear program. The report
<http://isis-online.org/uploads/isis-reports/documents/IAEA_PMD_Assessment_2Dec2015.pdf>
asserts that Tehran not only undertook nuclear-weapons work until 2003, but
in some areas, that work continued as late as 2009.



Additionally, for the first time, the IAEA has linked various instances of
previously reported clandestine activities into a coherent account of
Tehran’s nuclear-weapons development process. In other words, the IAEA has
noted that Iran’s clandestine nuclear activities represented a parallel
nuclear program (from mining to uranium conversion and enrichment) carried
out alongside its declared one.



*What did the IAEA conclude?*

In addition to the disconcerting finding that Iran had a parallel
clandestine weapons program, the report also confirms that the IAEA has not
been able to determine the full picture of Iran’s efforts. The Agency lacks
information on the extent to which Iran obtained a design for a nuclear
device and whether it retains single-use testing and manufacturing
capabilities. These and other gaps in the IAEA’s information complicate its
ability to effectively monitor Iran’s nuclear activities.

The IAEA report notes that the Agency has not seen any indications that
Iran has diverted declared nuclear material for military-related
activities. That is good news. Yet it’s unlikely that Iran would divert
material from declared facilities. Instead, Tehran would likely use
undeclared facilities and materials for such activities. Until the IAEA
reaches a broader
<https://www.iaea.org/newscenter/news/safeguards-implementation-report-2014-presented-board-governors>
conclusion <https://www.iaea.org/sites/default/files/sir_2014_statement.pdf>
that Iran’s nuclear program is peaceful and accounted for, it can’t verify
with high confidence that no undeclared activities exist – a certification
that is likely many years away.

This uncertainty, coupled with the fact that under the JCPOA Iran is
permitted to maintain a substantial uranium-enrichment capacity, means that
the IAEA will face a significant challenge as it implements its ongoing
verification procedures.

*Did Iran fulfill its obligations under the JCPOA?*

Iran has demanded that the international community “close the file
<http://fdd.createsend1.com/t/ViewEmail/r/C8A4C3AF9799D9AB2540EF23F30FEDED>”
on PMDs, even though the Islamic Republic has failed to cooperate with the
IAEA’s investigation and provided the Agency with incomplete information on
some matters and none on others. Iran also has prevented the IAEA from
interviewing key personnel in charge of PMD activities. Moreover, the
verification procedures implemented at the Parchin military complex – where
the IAEA believes Iran conducted weaponization activities – differed
significantly from standard protocols that the IAEA has applied in the
past, both in other countries and in Iran, including at Iran’s military
sites.

Due to the IAEA’s limited access to information, the Agency is not able to
state whether the conclusions reached in its report have been made with
low, medium, or high confidence. This omission is important because Iran is
a nuclear-threshold state with increased enrichment capacity in 10 to 15
years. The IAEA’s conclusions, therefore, have a direct impact on the risks
associated with the lifting of sanctions, crafting verification parameters,
and monitoring Iran’s procurement.

The JCPOA provided the Islamic Republic with an opportunity to clarify its
past nuclear-weapons work, but it refused to come clean. Instead, Tehran
yet again failed to fulfill its obligations under Security Council
resolutions
<http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=S/RES/1929%282010%29>
demanding it “cooperate fully with the Agency on all outstanding issues,
particularly those which gave rise to concerns about the possible military
dimensions to Iran’s nuclear programme, including by providing access
without delay to all sites, equipment, persons and documents requested by
the Agency.” Without Iran’s cooperation and transparency, the file simply
cannot be closed.

*What is the next step for the IAEA?*

A reliable verification scheme requires measures to ensure that Iran cannot
reconstitute its weapons program without early detection. Absent a complete
understanding of the extent and scope of Tehran’s nuclear-weapons work,
effective verification will be compromised.

In the light of the above, the JCPOA’s verification and monitoring
procedures need to be reinforced. The P5+1 needs to take additional action
<http://www.defenddemocracy.org/content/uploads/documents/Strengthening_Verification_JCPOA.pdf>
before the IAEA confirms that Iran has met its nuclear obligations,
triggering sanctions relief set to come on “Implementation Day” (likely in
mid-2016). When the new report is brought before the IAEA’s Board of
Governors on December 15, it should adopt a resolution based on the
following:

1. The detection of undeclared nuclear material and activities requires a
credible baseline for monitoring and verification. The P5+1 and IAEA should
therefore request a complete declaration from Iran of all of its past and
present nuclear activities.

2. The IAEA needs to provide assurances, with high confidence, that all
weapons-related activities have been terminated. The Agency must
consequently have direct access to all relevant people and sites.

3. The environmental sampling process at Parchin served as a poor precedent
for investigations at other locations, including military-related sites.
Any future sampling and investigations, in Iran and elsewhere, must be done
*in-situ* by IAEA inspectors and experts.

*Olli Heinonen is the former deputy director general of the International
Atomic Energy Agency and served as the head of its Department of
Safeguards. He is currently a Senior Fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School
of Government’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and a
member of the Iran Task Force, an independent, non-partisan group of former
government officials and nuclear, legal, and sanctions experts. *






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