"Republican intellectual"?  Another oxymoron.

B



https://newrepublic.com/article/126971/republican-intellectuals-still-dont-get-donald-trump?utm_source=Sailthru&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=New%20Campaign&utm_term=TNR%20Daily%20Newsletter
Republican Intellectuals Still Don’t Get Donald Trump

Within the space of a few months, Donald Trump has gone from a joke to an
imminent threat. Pundits who might have recently dismissed Trump—Republican
intellectuals among them—are now coming to terms with the fact that even if
he doesn’t win, he has still changed the shape and tenor of the Republican
primaries and the future of the GOP. Of the recent reappraisals of Trump,
two of the most interesting are from Ross Douthat and David Frum, two
intellectuals loosely associated with the reformicon movement
<http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/06/magazine/can-the-gop-be-a-party-of-ideas.html?_r=0>—a
faction which has a fair claim to come up with a plausible explanation of
why the GOP has been fertile ground for a Trump insurgency. But their
analysis falters because they are still not willing to grapple with the
racism that lies at the heart of Trump’s appeal.

Trump might well be appealing to the constituency that the reformicons want
to win, but he’s doing so by offering them a heady brew of xenophobia and
nationalism that runs the risk of making the GOP brand toxic.

The strength of the reformicons is that they have long applied a class
analysis to the GOP, a party they see as divided between a plutocratic
elite and a struggling working class. *“*A majority of Republicans worry
that corporations and the wealthy exert too much power,” Frum writes
<http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/01/the-great-republican-revolt/419118/>
in the latest issue of *The Atlantic*. “Their party leaders work to ensure
that these same groups can exert even more. Mainstream Republicans were
quite at ease with tax increases on households earning more than $250,000
in the aftermath of the Great Recession and the subsequent stimulus. Their
congressional representatives had the opposite priorities.” This class
division long precedes Donald Trump, but it helps explain why he’s been
able to win the trust of voters who feel the traditional GOP establishment
has been ignoring their interests.

For more than a decade, reformicons like Douthat, the *New York Times
*columnist,
have argued that the Republican establishment has become too beholden to
the business elite, risking support among the white working class. To ward
off this problem, the reformicons have called for policies to help the
white working class, ranging from immigration policies that clamp down on
low-skilled immigrants to targeted tax relief for the middle class. Although
somewhat apart from the main reformicons as a group, Frum has echoed many
of their ideas. So Douthat and Frum can both plausibly claim (or, more
accurately, hint) that while Trump wasn’t what they had in mind, his
ability to mobilize white working-class voters with populist-sounding
rhetoric vindicates their arguments that this group has been politically
neglected.

Douthat and Frum have a far better sense of Trump’s appeal than most
mainstream Republicans, who still think he’s just using charisma picked up
from reality TV. But they can’t bring themselves to consider the way
Trump’s naked appeal to white identity politics threatens both the GOP and
their own reformicon agenda. As Douthat notes
<http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/03/opinion/sunday/confessions-of-a-columnist.html?rref=collection%2Fcolumn%2Fross-douthat&action=click&contentCollection=opinion&region=stream&module=stream_unit&version=latest&contentPlacement=1&pgtype=collection>
in
the *Times*, the sizable Trump faction “has turned out to include precisely
the kind of voters Romney needed in 2012 and who stayed home instead:
Blue-collar whites with moderate views on economics and a weak attachment
to the institutional G.O.P.”

Douthat admits
<http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/03/opinion/sunday/confessions-of-a-columnist.html?rref=collection%2Fcolumn%2Fross-douthat&action=click&contentCollection=opinion&region=stream&module=stream_unit&version=latest&contentPlacement=1&pgtype=collection>,
“I underestimated Donald Trump.” The columnist acknowledges that Trump’s
“populist and nationalist themes” appeal to the “missing white voters” that
reformicons have long called Republicans to cater to. Yet even in revising
his opinion of Trump’s political potency, Douthat shies away from looking
at what actually makes Trump popular.

Instead, Douthat writes that he misread “the voters supporting [Trump]
despite his demagoguery.” The use of the word “despite” is revealing.
Usually demagogues are popular because of their demagoguery, not despite
it. Douthat can’t face the fact that a significant chunk of the Republican
base loves Trump not despite but because of his unashamedly xenophobic and
racist campaign.

The same problem applies to Frum’s otherwise astute analysis
<http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2016/01/the-great-republican-revolt/419118/%29>of
the rise of Trumpism. During the course of an article of more than 6,000
words dealing with the impact of Trump on the Republican Party, Frum never
uses the words xenophobic, nativist or racist (or any variation of them) at
all, except for one throwaway reference to* “*other aspects of identity”
like “race, religion, lifestyle*.” *As my colleague Brian Beutler points out
<http:///minutes/126487/say-tomato-say-racism>, this is a major omission.

To see the analytical problems caused by ignoring Trump’s racism, consider
Frum’s prescriptions for “true reform”:

Admittedly, this may be the most uncongenial thought of them all, but party
elites could try to open more ideological space for the economic interests
of the middle class. Make peace with universal health-insurance coverage:
Mend Obamacare rather than end it. Cut taxes less at the top, and use the
money to deliver more benefits to working families in the middle. Devise
immigration policy to support wages, not undercut them. Worry more about
regulations that artificially transfer wealth upward, and less about
regulations that constrain financial speculation. Take seriously issues
such as the length of commutes, nursing-home costs, and the anticompetitive
practices that inflate college tuition.

These are all worthy policy considerations in the reformicon tradition. But
does anyone believe they will win over the voters who are enthused by
Trump’s calls for building a wall along the Mexican border and smashing
ISIS and taking their oil?



Trump might well be appealing to the constituency that the reformicons want
to win, but he’s doing so by offering them a heady brew of xenophobia and
nationalism that runs the risk of making the GOP brand toxic, not just to
non-whites but even to many conservatives. Mike Fernandez, a billionaire
supporter of Jeb Bush, told
<http://www.miamiherald.com/news/politics-government/elections-2016/article48067815.html#storylink=cpy>
the *Miami* *Herald *last month, “If I have a choice—and you can put it in
bold—if I have a choice between Trump and Hillary Clinton, I’m choosing
Hillary.” Much of the corporate elite is likely to join Fernandez, given
the fact that shrewd business people will not want to be associated with a
candidate who has insulted the fastest-growing demographic in America.



Trump is a kind of reformicon on steroids. In his outsized way, he has
brought out into the open a key problem with the whole reformicon agenda:
To appeal to those missing white voters, a Republican politician would have
to risk alienating many other groups, ranging from Hispanics to the
business elite. While Douthat and Frum have many worthy insights into
Trump’s rise, they still can’t face that fundamental dilemma.






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