http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/15/world/middleeast/a-news-agency-with-scoops-directly-from-isis-and-a-veneer-of-objectivity.html?emc=edit_tnt_20160114&nlid=19466640&tntemail0=y
A News Agency With Scoops Directly From ISIS, and a Veneer of Objectivity

The San Bernardino shootings
<http://www.nytimes.com/2015/12/03/us/san-bernardino-shooting.html>. The
killing rampage this week in a Baghdad mall
<http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/12/world/middleeast/isis-attack-on-baghdad-mall-kills-17.html>.
On Thursday, it was the explosion that ripped through a Starbucks in
Jakarta.

In each of those terrorist attacks, an outlet called the Amaq News Agency
was first with the news that the Islamic State was going to claim
responsibility. The agency has been getting the scoops because it gets tips
straight from ISIS
<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/a/al_qaeda_in_mesopotamia/index.html?inline=nyt-org>,
and for those of us on the terrorism beat, that has made Amaq a must-read
every time a bomb goes off.

It publishes a heavy stream of short releases on an encrypted phone app
called Telegram
<http://www.nytimes.com/2015/11/17/world/europe/encrypted-messaging-apps-face-new-scrutiny-over-possible-role-in-paris-attacks.html>,
functioning much like an official news agency might inside a totalitarian
state. The alerts, articles and videos take on the trappings of mainstream
journalism, with “Breaking News” and “Exclusive” headings.

And its reporters try to appear objective, toning down the jihadist
hyperbole ISIS uses in its official releases. (The Jakarta attackers were
“Islamic State fighters” rather than the ISIS-preferred “soldiers of the
Caliphate.” Victims are “foreign citizens” rather than “Crusaders.”)

Make no mistake, though: Amaq is putting out the Islamic State’s message,
and the veneer of separation between the terrorist group and what has now
become its unacknowledged wire service is quickly disintegrating. Though
the group is not officially part of the ISIS media apparatus, it functions
much that way.

“It has become much more assimilated into the Islamic State’s propaganda
infrastructure, and now it’s a fully fledged and very important part of it.
It has become the first point of publication for claims of responsibility
by the group — though not as a rule,” said Charlie Winter, a senior
researcher at the Transcultural Conflict and Violence Initiative at Georgia
State. He pointed out that one of the biggest attacks — the Nov. 13
killings in Paris — followed the more traditional route, with the claim of
responsibility published directly by ISIS.

The Islamic State maintains its official Al Bayan radio station, which puts
out daily news bulletins, and its monthly magazine Dabiq, as well as many
production companies that put out its grisly videos. Beyond those, there
are also media offices in each of the Islamic State’s provinces. The
material that goes out on these official outlets has the ultimate stamp of
ISIS approval — that’s what they want us to know about their ideology and
their tactics.

Those messages are tightly controlled, honed to both appeal to the largest
numbers of recruits as well as designed to intimidate and sow fear.

As one example of how much they control their messaging, consider what
happened to the British jihadist Omar Hussain. This month, Mr. Hussain
published a string of essays about life under the Islamic State — and then
he was served a cease-and-desist order by the ISIS Media Committee.

The terror group ordered him to shut down his Telegram account or face the
consequences, according to a screen grab of the message which he shared
with his followers in his farewell post. Perhaps they didn’t like the
6,000-word
diatribe he posted
<http://www.ibtimes.co.uk/isis-jihadist-omar-hussains-bizarre-racist-rant-against-syrians-arabs-1519881>,
ranting against Arabs and accusing Syrian children of stealing his phone
charger.

Amaq appears to have been created, or allowed to develop, as a way to
create a source of information that is still basically controlled by the
Islamic State but is somewhat removed from the group, giving ISIS more of
the appearance of legitimacy.

One of the closest watchers of jihadist propaganda for years has been SITE
Intelligence in Washington. The researchers there say they first saw the
Amaq name pop up during the drawn-out battle for Kobani, the Kurdish town
on the Syria-Turkey border that ISIS captured in 2014. The tracking group’s
director, Rita Katz, said she and her staff noticed that ISIS fighters were
sharing the Amaq updates on their personal accounts.

For much of its evolution, Amaq appeared to be posting updates and
on-the-ground developments, but there was no clear pattern of Amaq
preceding ISIS in claims of responsibility.

That changed last month, when a married couple, Syed Rizwan Farook and
Tashfeen Malik, burst into the holiday party at the San Bernardino County
Health Department and began shooting. Amaq was the first to report that the
two supported the Islamic State. A day later, the Islamic State said the
same thing in its official broadcast.

As more and more attacks have broken out in recent days, Amaq has almost
always been first to report that the Islamic State was behind them.

“They are behaving like a state media. ISIS sees themselves as a state, as
a country — and a country needs to have its own media,” Ms. Katz said.

Taking its cues from the Western media, Amaq has even been featuring
“embedded” reporters at the scenes of major ISIS battles. When ISIS took
the ancient city of Palmyra in Syria, it was an Amaq cameraman who captured
the first footage, Mr. Winter said.

One thing to remember, though, is that Amaq’s function is to spread Islamic
State propaganda. You hardly have to dig to see the spin. When United State
Special Forces helped Kurdish forces free dozens of prisoners from an ISIS
jail in northern Iraq in October, one American soldier was killed. But the
Amaq headline had a different take: The headline was “A Failed Airdrop
Operation by the American Army.”






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