Rarely if ever do I find myself in agreement with Justin "We Are The World,
We Are The Children" Raimondo.....Raimondo hits the nail on the head on a
couple of observations here!



On Sun, Jan 31, 2016 at 8:44 AM, MJ <[email protected]> wrote:

>
> January 25, 2016
>
> *Nationalism and Its Discontents: The Meaning of Trump *
> *The return of dreaded “isolationism” is cause for celebration *by Justin
> Raimondo
>
> At the end of the cold war, a cadre of neoconservative intellectuals
> surveyed the debris of the fallen Soviet colossus and boldly proclaimed “the
> end of history <http://www.wesjones.com/eoh.htm>.” The West, said Francis
> Fukuyama, writing in *The National Interest*, had won not only the cold
> war but also the war of ideas –   for all time. We were inevitably embarked
> on a pathway to a “universal homogenous state,” and although the pageant of
> History (always capitalized!) would continue to “unfold” along a rather
> bumpy road, in the end it would prove to be a highway to US hegemony over
> the entire earth. In a symposium commenting on Fukuyama’s thesis, the
> ever-practical Charles Krauthammer nevertheless insisted that it would be
> necessary for the United States to hurry History along by force of arms. In
> a subsequent polemic in *Foreign Affairs*, he argued that we ought to
> take advantage of “ the unipolar moment
> <https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/1991-02-01/unipolar-moment>” to
> “integrate” the US, Japan, and Europe into a “super-sovereign” global
> empire united by a “new universalism” – which, he averred, “is not as
> outrageous as it sounds.”
>
> Blinded by hubris, enthralled by the possibilities of unlimited power, the
> neocons – and their liberal internationalist doppelgangers on the other
> side of the political spectrum – didn’t see the nationalist backlash coming.
>
> That rebuke was prefigured by a stinging rebuttal from the pen of Patrick
> J. Buchanan in the pages of *The National Interest*, who wrote that
> Krauthammer’s vision was “un-American,” pure and simple. In Buchanan’s
> view, this militarized universalism was nothing less than treason. Invoking
> the Founders, he wrote that this globalist fantasy failed “the fundamental
> test of any foreign policy: Americans will not die for it.” A nation’s
> purpose, he added, cannot be ascertained “by consulting ideologies, but by
> reviewing its history, by searching the hearts of its people.” So what, if
> not the “ benevolent global hegemony
> <https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/1996-07-01/toward-neo-reaganite-foreign-policy>”
> dreamt of by the neocons, would and should Americans fight for? Buchanan’s
> answer was to quote these stanzas from Lord Macaulay
> <http://www.bartleby.com/360/7/158.html>:
>
>
>
>
>
>
> *“And how can man die better That facing fearful odds, For the ashes of
> his fathers, And the temples of his gods?” *Buchanan’s answer to
> Krauthammer’s globalism was a foreign policy of “enlightened nationalism”:
> “total withdrawal of US troops from Europe,” and a rejection of the idea –
> nowhere authorized in the Constitution – that the President and/or Congress
> has the power to sacrifice its sons on the altar of some crazed crusade for
> “global democracy.” Prophesizing the declaration of President George W.
> Bush some fifteen years later
> <http://www.theamericanconservative.com/articles/radical-son/> that we
> would seek to “end evil” in the world, Buchanan raised the banner of
> non-interventionism in the pre-9/11 world: that is, in a country that was
> primed to hear his message.
>
> He took that message to the Republican party, and the country, in three
> campaigns for the White House, all the while warning that the “unipolar
> world” dreamed of by Krauthammer and his fellow neocons was a dangerous
> fantasy, and that the rising tide
> <http://original.antiwar.com/justin/2014/05/18/the-return-of-nationalism/>
> of nationalism, from Beijing to Biloxi, would make short work of it. A
> multi-polar world was on the horizon, and the best we could hope for was to
> adapt to the new reality by tending to our own garden, which had – after a
> long global struggle with the (alleged) Soviet threat – by this time become
> choked with weeds and in need of emergency care.
>
> The same nationalist tides that were sweeping the post-cold war world in
> Europe and Asia were roiling the waters in America, but they took on a
> different shape and coloration in the wake of the 9/11 attacks. Whereas
> Buchananism was inward-looking, anti-interventionist, and anti-globalist,
> the ultra-nationalism
> <http://archive.lewrockwell.com/rockwell/red-state-fascism.html> utilized
> by the neocons to mobilize the American people behind a crusade to
> transform the Middle East was and is aggressive, militaristic, and
> explicitly hegemonist – a bid to create the “unipolar world” of
> Krauthammer’s Napoleonic imagination.
>
> This interrupted and in effect reversed the natural tendency to return to
> normalcy after the decades-long cold war struggle, and at a huge price in
> blood and treasure. And yet eventually the pendulum swung back again, as
> exhaustion – both emotional and financial – set in. America elected a
> President who vowed to end the wars, and deal with our festering home front
> crisis: that promise, however was not kept, and Barack Obama will leave
> office with the US once again in the middle of at least three wars, and
> with a hand in several others on their periphery. Yet the nationalist
> impulse – which is, in part, an “isolationist” impulse – is stronger than
> ever, laying just beneath the surface of the American political landscape,
> waiting for someone to pick up its banner.
>
> That someone turned out to be Donald Trump.
>
> I have many disagreements with Trump, but unlike his many enemies on the
> left and especially on the right I understand that his nationalism contains
> elements that are  useful, instructive, and even admirable. Unlike
> Buchanan, he is certainly no intellectual, but then again the last
> intellectual to inhabit the White House – Woodrow Wilson – was an
> unambiguous disaster for the cause of peace and liberty, and so I don’t
> hold that against The Donald. There is surely a demagogic element to his
> astonishing rise, which his opponents – particularly those on the right –
> make much of. The recent jeremiad
> <http://www.nationalreview.com/article/430126/donald-trump-conservatives-oppose-nomination>
> against him launched by the neocons over *at National Review*was filled
> with comparisons to Mussolini, Juan Peron, Hitler (of course!), and even
> Andrew <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B1qkt3nkZYE> Dice Clay
> <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B1qkt3nkZYE>, this latter barb a direct
> appeal to the smug snobbery that characterizes our urban elites. “He’s
> “vulgar,” he’s “rude,” etc. etc., and those were some of the gentler ways
> they characterized him personally.
>
> Yet demagoguery didn’t bother them when it was deployed by George W. Bush
> as he marched us off to a disastrous war – a war Trump opposed
> <http://dailycaller.com/2015/08/31/donald-trump-wanted-last-republican-president-impeached-for-foreign-policy-lies/>,
> and continues to denounce today – and implied that his critics were in
> league with America’s enemies. “You’re either with us or you’re with the
> terrorists” – remember that one
> <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cpPABLW6F_A>? Do you recall
> <http://www.nationalreview.com/article/391772/unpatriotic-conservatives-david-frum>how
> Bush’s partisans over at *National Review* tried to tar conservative and
> libertarian opponents of the Iraq war – including this writer – as having
> “turned their backs on their country”? Demagoguery in the service of mass
> murder is fine with them: it’s only when their own methods are turned
> against them <https://mises.org/library/defense-demagogues>that the War
> Party starts to get religion.
>
> Yes, Trump rose to prominence initially on the strength of his
> anti-immigration and protectionist stance – views he holds in common with
> his predecessor, Buchanan – but this doesn’t account for the hysterical
> opposition to his candidacy coming from the neoconservatives. *National
> Review* has been a veritable fount of anti-Muslim propaganda, with the
> writings of Andrew McCarthy
> <http://www.rightwingwatch.org/content/andrew-mccarthy-defends-trump-says-islam-not-religion>,
> Mark Steyn
> <http://www.nationalreview.com/article/299725/spirit-geert-wilders-mark-steyn>,
> Kevin Williamson
> <http://www.nationalreview.com/article/411956/slander-blowback-kevin-d-williamson>,
> and a host of others all polemicizing against the idea that terrorism is
> primarily due to US actions abroad and holding that the roots of Bin
> Ladenism lie in the nature of Islam per se. Given the logic of their
> longstanding position, how can they object to Trump’s proposal to
> temporarily ban Muslim immigration? Yet there they were, breaking Godwin’s
> Law <http://knowyourmeme.com/memes/godwins-law> and claiming that we’d be
> facing an American Kristallnacht if Trump gets in the White House. What
> chutzpah!
>
> No, the real motive behind the neoconservative holy war against Trump is
> rooted in his foreign policy positions, which the neocons rightly view as a
> direct threat to their internationalist project. Chris Matthews is on to
> their game: please watch his confrontation with a neocon journalist below.
>
>
>
> *https://youtu.be/VM0zpfWhSS8 <https://youtu.be/VM0zpfWhSS8> *Discussing
> the special we-hate-Trump issue
> <http://www.nationalreview.com/article/430126/donald-trump-conservatives-oppose-nomination>
> of *National Review*, Matthews cornered poor *NR* writer Eliana Johnson,
> who was reduced to stuttering incoherence as he hammered her on what he
> rightly perceived as the overarching point of unity in “that crowd” on the
> Trump question: “that’s why they don’t like Trump, because he’s the only
> guy on the right wing who said [the Iraq war was] a stupid war.” When
> Johnson denied this, he demanded to know who among the long list of
> anti-Trump “intellectuals” wasn’t a war-hawk. “Can you answer me?” he
> persisted. “Who is not a hawk in that group?”
>
>  She couldn’t come up with one (although she might have stopped him by
> mentioning David Boaz, of the Cato Institute).
>
> Boaz’s brief polemic, by the way, didn’t mention foreign policy: he
> confined his critique to references to Mussolini, George Wallace, and other
> comparisons seemingly ripped from the pages of Salon.com. Yet other
> contributors made no secret of the source of their animus. Neocon Mona
> Charen was appalled by Trump’s suggestion that “we let Russia fight ISIS.”
> Trump is “oblivious” to the “global jihad,” fumed Andrew McCarthy, angered
> by Trump’s vow to “stay out of the [Syrian] fray (leaving it in Vladimir
> Putin’s nefarious hands).” Bill Kristol was one of the signers, a man whose
> key role in ginning up the Iraq war is well-known to my readers.
>
> A recent piece
> <http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/01/donald-trump-foreign-policy-213546#ixzz3yBuNmXkY>
> in *Politico* was more explicit about the danger Trump poses to the
> internationalist-interventionist consensus that reigns supreme in the
> Washington Beltway:
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
> *“One of the most common misconceptions about Donald Trump is that he is
> opportunistic and makes up his views as he goes along. But a careful
> reading of some of Trump’s statements over three decades shows that he has
> a remarkably coherent and consistent worldview, one that is unlikely to
> change much if he’s elected president. It is also a worldview that makes a
> great leap backward in history, embracing antiquated notions of power that
> haven’t been prevalent since prior to World War II. “It is easy to poke fun
> at many of Trump’s foreign-policy notions – the promises to “take” Iraq’s
> oil, to extract a kind of imperial ‘tribute’ from U.S. military allies like
> South Korea, his eagerness to emulate the Great Wall of China along the
> border with Mexico, and his embrace of old-style strongmen like Vladimir
> Putin. But many of these views would have found favor in pre-World War II –
> and even, in some cases, 19th century – America. ”In sum, Trump believes
> that America gets a raw deal from the liberal international order it helped
> to create and has led since World War II. He has three key arguments that
> he returns to time and again over the past 30 years. He is deeply unhappy
> with America’s military alliances and feels the United States is
> overcommitted around the world. He feels that America is disadvantaged by
> the global economy. And he is sympathetic to authoritarian strongmen. Trump
> seeks nothing less than ending the U.S.-led liberal order and freeing
> America from its international commitments.” *All this is heresy in the
> circles in which the author – Thomas Wright, director of the Project on
> International Order and Strategy at The Brookings Institution – travels.
> Brookings is in hock to the Gulf emirate of Qatar to the tune of $14.8
> million
> <http://www.nytimes.com/2014/09/07/us/politics/foreign-powers-buy-influence-at-think-tanks.html?_r=0>,
> according to the *New York Times*. This accounts for Wright’s discomfort
> with The Donald’s view of America’s expensive and often tragic commitments
> to defending other nations “that would be wiped off the face of the earth
> if not for us,” as the former real estate mogul puts it.
>
> Wright’s characterization of Trump’s attitude toward Putin as an “embrace”
> is a typical ploy by the War Party, which always portrays a non-belligerent
> stance as a love affair: what Trump actually said, however, is that “I
> could get along with Putin” – a definite no-no in Washington, where the new
> cold war is raging on both sides of the aisle. Contrast this with the
> position taken by most of the other GOP candidates, such as Christie,
> Rubio, and Bush, who proudly proclaim they’d confront Russian planes in the
> skies over Syria, risking World War III.
>
> Examining Trump’s foreign policy pronouncements over the years – the GOP
> frontrunner wonders why we are stationing 28,000 troops in South Korea,
> complains that we’re defending Japan while they slap tariffs on our
> products, and says we have no business stationing tens of thousands of
> soldiers in Europe, which can damn well take care of itself – Wright trots
> out the hate figures interventionists love to excoriate. Trump is like Robert
> A. Taft <http://www.antiwar.com/stromberg/s071399.html>, who didn’t want
> us to join NATO: he’s like Charles Lindbergh
> <http://www.charleslindbergh.com/americanfirst/>, a leader of the
> anti-interventionist America First Committee
> <http://www.antiwar.com/justin/j082302.html>, a particular hate-figure of
> the interventionist-neocon foreign policy Establishment. And, of course,
> Trump is an “isolationist,” because he’s sick of coddling our shiftless
> “allies” while they rip us off and laugh at us behind our back, all the
> while huddling under the protective wingspan of the American eagle.
>
> All of this is no doubt reassuring to Wright’s Qatari paymasters, who have
> a lot to lose if Trump should win the White House and present them with a
> bill for services rendered. But in reading Wright’s list of Trumpist
> foreign policy heresies, one can’t help but think that the average American
> would agree with each and every one of The Donald’s complaints about the
> profligate paternalism involved in maintaining this precious “international
> order” Wright would have us enforce for free. He maintains that “those
> alliances also work to America’s benefit by providing it with prepositioned
> forces and regional stability. It would actually cost more to station
> troops in the United States and have to deploy them overseas in a crisis.”
> But his rationale is a classic example of circular reasoning: he assumes it
> is our sacred duty to intervene everywhere. A “crisis,” for him, is the
> possibility that the Emir of Qatar will lose his throne, or that the Saudis
> will one day be confronted with the consequences of their inveterate
> barbarism. Ordinary Americans – i.e. Trump supporters – would consider that
> turn of events a comeuppance waiting to happen.
>
> “Tax these wealthy nations,” says Trump, “not America” – a prospect that
> no doubt horrifies Wright and his foreign sponsors, but delights Americans
> to no end. Which is precisely why Trumpian nationalism has such resonance
> this election season.
>
> In Wright’s view, Trump is not only unduly rude to our alleged “friends,”
> he is far too friendly to our alleged enemies, i.e. Russia and China.
> Wright admits, parenthetically, that these two pose no threat to the
> American homeland, but rather to “the US-led order,” i.e. the albatross of
> our global empire, where – as the Old Right
> <https://mises.org/library/foreign-policy-old-right-0> writer Garet
> Garrett <http://original.antiwar.com/justin/2004/08/18/rise-of-empire/>
> put it – “everything goes out and nothing comes in.”
>
> As is routine for our war propagandists, Wright accuses Trump of having a
> soft spot for authoritarian leaders. Since Trump doesn’t want to threaten
> Putin and the Chinese with regime-change, this must mean he admires – and
> even wants to emulate – their domestic policies. It’s an absurd position to
> take, and, not coincidentally, the very same illogic that led to the Iraq
> war. “He’s killing his own people,” went the refrain about Saddam Hussein –
> and if you didn’t favor regime-change in Iraq, that must mean you approved
> of Saddam’s dictatorship. We can see where that line “reasoning” led, but
> Wright and his fellow policy wonks haven’t learned that lesson even if the
> American people have.
>
> Wright gleefully cites Putin’s comments on Trump:
>
>
>
> *“He says he wants to move on to a new, more substantial relationship, a
> deeper relationship with Russia, how can we not welcome that? Of course we
> welcome that.” *This horrifies Wright, but what is wrong with getting
> along with the leader of the Russian state – a person who has at his
> command thousands of nuclear weapons and has often expressed wonderment at
> Washington’s rebuke of every attempt at rapprochement? With the threat of a
> new arms race looming large
> <http://www.huffingtonpost.com/joe-cirincione/arms-race-us-russia-nuclear_b_8557526.html>
> and a new cold war on the horizon, the biggest danger to international
> peace is our deteriorating relations with Russia. Trump realizes this:
> Wright, not so much. And the American people are behind Trump in this:
> asked by pollsters if we should get involved in a dispute with Russia over
> Ukraine, the overwhelming answer was a resounding “No!”
> <http://www.politico.com/story/2014/07/politico-poll-ukraine-middle-east-109155>
>
> “It’s not hard to imagine these two men sitting down to cut a deal,” says
> Wright, but surely cutting a deal to reduce the nuclear arsenals of both
> nations and resume cooperation in tracking down “loose nukes” floating
> around the former Soviet Union is a good thing. Except it isn’t a good
> thing as far as our new Cold Warriors are concerned. Wright derides Putin
> and Trump for holding an “antiquated” view of world politics, but what
> could be more antiquated than launching another cold war with Russia – a
> quarter century after the fall of the Soviet Union?
>
> As for China, Wright is at his wit’s end because Trump seems unconcerned
> with “its attempts to blunt US power projection capabilities or its
> repression at home.” And yet “power projection” is just another word for
> military aggression, which is bound to provoke a response from the highly
> nationalistic Chinese. Are we supposed to go to war over the Spratly
> Islands and a collection of artificial atolls
> <http://www.reuters.com/article/us-southchinasea-china-airstrip-idUSKCN0PC00Q20150702>
> in the South China Sea – thousands of  miles away from American shores?
> Seriously? Wright pretends to be concerned about China’s repressive
> domestic policies, but threatening behavior on our part will only empower
> the sclerotic leaders of the Chinese Communist Party and strengthen their
> position domestically. Wright fails to understand the power of rising
> nationalism abroad, just as he disdains its manifestations here in America.
>
> It’s almost funny how Wright portrays the threat to his treasured “US-led
> order”:
>
>
>
> *“There will be massive uncertainty around America’s commitments. Would
> Trump defend the Baltics? Would he defend the Senkaku Islands? Or Saudi
> Arabia? Some nations will give in to China, Russia and Iran. Others, like
> Japan, will push back, perhaps by acquiring nuclear weapons. Trump may well
> see such uncertainty as a positive. Putting everything in play would give
> him great leverage. But by undoing the work of Truman and his secretary of
> state, Dean Acheson, it would be the end of the American era.” *The idea
> that Putin is raring to gobble up the Baltics is one of the cold warriors’
> talking points, but it is absurd on its face: does he really think Putin is
> dumb enough to replicate the US invasion of Iraq in a European setting?
> Don’t make me laugh. Crimea wanted union with Russia
> <http://www.forbes.com/sites/kenrapoza/2015/03/20/one-year-after-russia-annexed-crimea-locals-prefer-moscow-to-kiev/#31e8505c5951>,
> and that’s what the Crimeans got: given the way Ukraine is being governed
> <http://blogs.reuters.com/great-debate/2015/12/30/corruption-in-ukraine-is-so-bad-a-nigerian-prince-would-be-embarrassed-2/>,
> who can blame them? But it is sheer fiction to imagine that Putin wants to
> recreate the Warsaw Pact: he is playing defense to NATO’s game of offense
> <http://www.moonofalabama.org/2014/03/george-f-kennans-prediction-on-nato-expansion-was-right.html>
> .
>
> As for the Senkaku Islands
> <http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-pacific-11341139> – what in the name
> of all that’s holy is the US interest in defending these useless atolls?
> Are we supposed to go to war with China over these five uninhabited specks
> – which are also claimed by Taiwan
> <http://www.dw.com/en/taiwan-wants-a-say-in-senkaku-talks/a-16684170>,
> our ally? Let’s take a national poll over that burning question: I can
> guarantee you the answer in advance.
>
> “To understand Trump, in the end, we have to go back to Taft and
> Lindbergh,” avers Wright, and in this he is absolutely correct. It’s a pity
> some of my libertarian friends fail to see this, but they are blinded by
> cultural factors and held captive by political correctness: immigration
> matters more to them than foreign policy. What they don’t understand is
> that the question of war and peace is the central issue of modern times.
> They fail to appreciate the foreign policy paradigm shift represented by
> Trump’s political success. However, Wright *does* understand it, along
> with his neoconservative comrades over at *National Review* and the *Weekly
> Standard*.
>
> For Wright, Trump is Taft and Lindbergh all rolled up into one:
>
> *“The difference is that, unlike Trump, Taft was not outside the
> mainstream of his time. Many people believed America was safe and that it
> did not matter who ran Europe. Also, unlike Trump, Taft was boring and
> struggled to break through the noise in several nomination battles. The
> more bombastic and controversial figure was Lindbergh, the man who became a
> household name as the first person to fly across the Atlantic. Lindbergh
> led a national movement that was divisive, xenophobic and sympathetic to
> Nazi Germany.” * *(see correction below)*
> <http://original.antiwar.com/justin/2016/01/24/nationalism-and-its-discontents-the-meaning-of-trump/#ref>
>
> Of course, the America First antiwar movement, which opposed US entry into
> the European war, reflected the overwhelming majority sentiment of the
> American people, who opposed intervention before Pearl Harbor. So what
> Wright is saying is that most Americans in the year 1940 were “sympathetic
> to Nazi Germany.” This was the line of the Communist Party at the time,
> which – along with the Party’s liberal-left fellow-travelers – was eager to
> see us get into the war in order to save Stalin’s bacon. That this nonsense
> is now gospel among the foreign policy mavens who inhabit the corridors of
> power in Washington should tell us everything we need to know about what’s
> wrong in the Imperial City.
>
> What scares Wright – and the Establishment of both parties – is that Trump
> is changing what it means to be “mainstream.” When Lindsey Graham, who
> wants to invade Syria, Iraq, Iran, and Ukraine – for a start – gets less
> than 1 percent in the polls, and Trump gets 40 percent, the War Party
> panics. As well they should. I for one take enormous pleasure in imbibing
> the naked fear Wright and his fellow warmongering wonks exude as the
> triumph of Trump approaches. Here is Wright, shaking in his boots:
>
>
>
> *“The Republican primary of 2016 is shaping up to be the most important
> party primary since 1940. Lindbergh did not run, of course. But Taft was in
> with a strong chance. Only the fact that the field was badly divided
> created an unexpected opening for Wendell Willkie, an internationalist, to
> emerge as the nominee at the convention. Some of Roosevelt’s advisers were
> so relieved at Willkie’s nomination that they advised their boss he no
> longer had to run for an unprecedented – and controversial – third term.” *Ah,
> but this time there will be no Wilkie – imposed by the Eastern
> Establishment <http://www.eagleforum.org/column/1995/nov95/col11-16.html>
> after Taft’s delegates were disqualified by party bosses – to save the
> internationalists from the fate they so richly deserve. And that’s what has
> Wright in a panic:
>
>
>
> *“The reason we must revisit 1940 is that Republicans have struggled to
> find a new north star after Iraq. Except for Rand Paul – whose own brand of
> libertarian isolationism, unlike Trump’s, didn’t sit well with voters – the
> establishment candidates were not sure whether they still supported Bush
> 43’s strategy or opposed it. Most tried to muddle through with a critique
> of President Barack Obama. Marco Rubio stuck to the ambitious Bush 43
> approach but found a declining market. Some, like Ted Cruz, tried to deal
> with the shift in sentiment by cozying up to pro-American dictators and
> abandoning support for democracy promotion. Cruz even used the isolationist
> term America First to describe his foreign policy. But Cruz seems to have
> thought little and said even less about America’s global role outside the
> Middle East. Ironically for someone with the reputation of being
> exceptionally smart, he lacks Trump’s detail and substance.” *Poor
> Wright! The combined poll numbers of the two top candidates for the GOP
> presidential nomination – one of whom is hated by the neocons, and the
> other who has openly attacked
> <http://www.nationalreview.com/article/428452/ted-cruz-foreign-policy-gop-leaders-suspicious>
> the neocons – equal *over half* of Republican primary voters. And the
> most consistently “isolationist” of the top two is the frontrunner, with
> his poll numbers rising with every effort to dislodge him. You’ll pardon me
> if I indulge the temptation to chortle in print: I haven’t had this much
> fun since Buchanan toppled King George off his pedestal
> <http://buchanan.org/blog/1996-victory-speech-manchester-nh-183> in New
> Hampshire and declared war on the “New World Order.”
>
> “It is in this vacuum that the long-dormant Taftian foreign policy has
> made an unexpected comeback in the hands of Trump,” says Wright, in
> despair. “What happens next is anybody’s guess.”
>
> What’s an internationalist to do when the rising tide of American
> nationalism washes over his foreign-subsidized sandcastle? Cry? Write long
> articles for *Politico*? Perhaps both.
>
> I have to say, however, that Trump is hardly the consistent “isolationist”
> Wright portrays in his piece. He is flighty, and therefore unpredictable.
> Although his views on trade limn (somewhat) those of the late Chalmers
> Johnson
> <https://books.google.com/books?id=MrV7dCG5S0YC&lpg=PP1&dq=chalmer%20johnson%20trade%20empire&pg=PA25#v=onepage&q=chalmer%20johnson%20trade%20>,
> who saw the American empire as a tradeoff between Washington and its
> overseas clients – we would lift trade barriers if they allowed us to
> station troops on their soil – Trump lacks Johnson’s intellectual solidity,
> to say the least. Slapping tariffs on Chinese goods would start a trade war
> that would be disastrous for us, and the world. In short, I don’t give one
> iota of political support to Trump because he is simply not to be trusted.
> If he overcomes the odds and does win the White House, “what happens next
> is anybody’s guess,” as Wright puts it.
>
> Yet Trump’s personal shortcomings are beside the point. The lesson to be
> taken from this episode is *the centrality of foreign policy* in the
> political life of our country. The doggedness with which the
> internationalists are attacking Trump, the nature of their criticisms, and
> the viciousness of their tactics is an indication of how hard it will be to
> dislodge them – just as Trump’s popularity shows how eager Americans are to
> hear someone tell them that we don’t have to continue being the policeman
> of the world, and that we’re paying through the nose for something that
> doesn’t benefit us in the least (although it does benefit outfits like the
> Brookings Institution, which takes in millions from its foreign sponsors).
> No matter how inconsistent and even obnoxious Trump may be – and his crazy
> plan to deport millions of undocumented immigrants is certainly a noxious
> fantasy that will never happen no matter who is elected – it would be a
> mistake to dismiss him as a random anomaly, or as a “fascist” demagogue as
> some of the more brainless
> <https://tucker.liberty.me/trumpism-the-ideology/> libertarians have done.
>
> The meaning of Trumpism is that Americans want to rid themselves of the
> burden of empire: Wright is right about that. Trump’s rise augurs a seismic
> shift in the foreign policy debate in this country, marking the end of the
> interventionist consensus that dominates both parties. And it certainly
> means the final defeat and humiliation of the neoconservatives, who are
> busy spewing vitriol at him and his “plebeian” supporters. And that alone
> is worth whatever price we have to pay for the triumph of Trump. For the
> neocons are the very core of the War Party: their demise as a politically
> effective force inside the GOP is an event that every person who wants a
> more peaceful world has been longing for and should celebrate.
>
> When the Republican-controlled Congress in the Clinton era threatened to
> pull the funding from Bill Clinton’s war in the former Yugoslavia, Bill
> Kristol threatened to walk out of the GOP. Today, as Trump appears to be
> the likely Republican presidential nominee, Kristol is threatening to
> start his own party
> <http://www.msnbc.com/rachel-maddow-show/gops-kristol-semi-serious-talk-about-third-party-initiative>.
> Which strikes me as a brilliant ploy: let him run Lindsey Graham as the
> candidate of the aptly-named War Party – and when America’s foremost
> warmonger does worse than he did in the primaries, let the 
> chickenhawk-in-chief
> contemplate the majesty of cosmic justice.
>
> *Correction*: I wrote “So what Wright is saying is that most Americans in
> the year 1940 were ‘sympathetic to Nazi Germany.’ This was the line of the
> Communist Party at the time.” Actually, the CP’s line didn’t change until
> 1941, when Germany invaded the Soviet Union. Thanks to Paul W. Lovinger of
> the War and Law League for the heads up.
>
>
> http://original.antiwar.com/justin/2016/01/24/nationalism-and-its-discontents-the-meaning-of-trump/
>
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