The Washington insiders who work to get Chinese deals done

Reuters / Diane Bartz and Greg Roumeliotis / 17 hrs ago

A spate of proposed Chinese takeovers of U.S. companies, from the Chicago
Stock Exchange to makers of high-end semiconductors, has created a vibrant
business for a small circuit of Washington insiders who advise on how to
get cross-border deals approved by the U.S. government.

Several former U.S. officials have in recent years joined the ranks of
lawyers, consultants and lobbyists that have emerged as key brokers in
trying to get Chinese acquisitions or investments in U.S. companies
approved by the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States
(CFIUS), which scrutinizes deals for national security concerns.

Because this interagency panel, comprising 16 U.S. government departments
or agencies and chaired by the Treasury, does not publish its decisions or
its reasoning for them, advisers say inside knowledge and connections are
important to navigate what outsiders often see as a "black-box" review
process.

There have been 22 M&A transactions announced in the United States so far
in 2016 involving Chinese acquirers, worth a combined $23 billion,
according to Thomson Reuters data. That is a massive increase from 88 deals
worth $13 billion for all of 2015, and 88 deals for $7 billion in 2014.

Here is a graphic showing Chinese acquisitions of U.S. companies by number
and value:

[image: Description:
http://img-s-msn-com.akamaized.net/tenant/amp/entityid/BBpWTiF.img?h=469&w=483&m=6&q=60&o=f&l=f]

It has all boosted corporate demand for former officials who served on
CFIUS or have knowledge of the inner workings of the agency, several
lawyers, consultants and lobbyists involved in the advisory work told
Reuters.

"We're just completely overwhelmed," said one lawyer involved in advising
on the CFIUS process, who asked not to be named because he was not
authorized to speak with the media.

China's aggressive, often state-backed overseas buying spree has set off
alarm bells among some politicians in Washington who are already on edge as
China's armed forces expand their presence in the South China Sea and
because of high-profile hacking attacks against U.S. government agencies
and corporations, which U.S. officials and security software companies have
blamed on China.

Adding to the tensions are attacks on China's trade policy,and in
particular its surplus with the U.S., by Donald Trump, who is leading the
race to be the Republican candidate in November's presidential election.

Among the former officials who use their CFIUS experience in advisory work
are Anne Salladin, who reviewed some 500 deals that went to CFIUS during
her 20 years at the Treasury. Her role at law firm Stroock & Stroock &
Lavan LLP has included advising a Chinese private equity firm on the
acquisition of some semiconductor-related assets.

Other officials include former U.S. Treasury deputy assistant secretary for
investment security and policy Nova Daly, now with the law firm Wiley Rein
LLP, and former Department of Homeland Security assistant secretary for
policy Stewart Baker, now with law firm Steptoe & Johnson LLP, according to
the websites of their employers.

Baker worked on the acquisition of Motorola Mobility by Chinese PC and
smartphone maker Lenovo Group in 2014, while Daly advised U.S. hard-disk
maker Western Digital Corp on a proposed investment by China's Unisplendour
Corp Ltd that was abandoned this week amid CFIUS concerns.

All three of the former officials declined to comment for this story.

Whitney Smith, a Treasury spokesperson, declined to comment on CFIUS's
relationship with company advisors.

GAUGING SENTIMENT

Before a deal is announced, the advisors will often seek to gauge its
chances for CFIUS approval by holding a preliminary meeting with key
officials. If the initial reaction is hostile, then this can avoid the
embarrassment and cost of announcing a deal that is later scuppered, said
Mark Plotkin, a CFIUS expert with the law firm Covington & Burling LLP.

A good CFIUS advisor will figure out what issues might crop up in a certain
deal - such as cutting edge chip technology or Pentagon contracts -- and
discuss how to best handle these with the agencies most likely to be
concerned, said Plotkin.

"The CFIUS process is going to be a full-body X-ray of the target," he said.

Another lawyer involved in CFIUS work, who spoke privately, said that he
gives a 45-minute presentation to Pentagon officials and then carefully
examines the questions asked, as well as body language, to judge their
level of discomfort with a particular deal.

It is not unlike a preliminary meeting that antitrust lawyers might request
with the Justice Department or Federal Trade Commission about an antitrust
review of a merger, the lawyers said.

Not all CFIUS advisors are hired to help a deal go through. Some are
brought in by corporate competitors to lobby against a deal, while others
are tapped by investors making bets on whether a transaction will be
cleared by CFIUS.

For instance, Mario Mancuso, a partner at law firm Kirkland & Ellis LLP who
formerly sat on CFIUS as undersecretary of commerce for industry and
security, now typically advises companies. But he also represented some
investors in pork producer Smithfield Foods when China's Shuanghui
International made a successful bid for the company in 2013.

MORE WILLING TO HIRE

This CFIUS advisory business is also benefiting from Chinese companies' new
willingness to spend on advisors.

Traditionally, Chinese companies had been mistrustful of advisors, or
unwilling to pay for them, some investment bankers and lawyers say. But the
Chinese government's encouragement of outbound deal-making has spurred many
of the country's companies to spend on advisors, including CFIUS experts,
these people say.

A CFIUS review typically lasts between one and three months and can cost
from as little as $50,000 to as much as $1 million for more complicated or
controversial transactions, according to a CFIUS expert who has shepherded
deals through the process.

China led the pack of countries whose planned U.S. acquisitions and
investments in 2014 were probed for U.S. security implications, making it
the most scrutinized country by CFIUS, according to the latest CFIUS annual
report, which was released last Friday. No official data is available for
2015.

Chinese bids for technology and chip makers get particular scrutiny, CFIUS
experts say. Semiconductors form electronic cores for a long list of
military systems, including drones, guided missiles and bombs.

To be sure, even with expert advice, companies can get it wrong. In the
case of Western Digital, the company had told investors that it believed
Unisplendour acquiring a 15 percent non-controlling stake would not be
subject to a CFIUS review But CFIUS informed Western Digital it would
review the transaction nonetheless, prompting Unisplendour to pull out.

CFIUS concerns also killed other semiconductor deals in the past few weeks.
Fairchild Semiconductor International Inc earlier this month rejected an
acquisition offer from China Resources Microelectronics Ltd and Hua Capital
Management Co Ltd, over concerns that CFIUS would stop the deal. Last
month, Philips scrapped a $3.3 billion deal to sell a division which makes
LED lights to Chinese investors also because of CFIUS concerns.

U.S. politicians have also began to agitate over some of these deals. Last
week, a group of 46 U.S. lawmakers urged CFIUS to take a hard look at a bid
by Chongqing Casin Enterprise Group to buy the Chicago Stock Exchange
because of concerns that China would gain access to information about U.S.
companies.

COTTAGE INDUSTRY

The cottage industry that has developed around CFIUS includes a wide array
of actors.

Law firms such as Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP and Covington &
Burling offer to provide insight into how CFIUS will view a deal, tapping
into their working relationships with CFIUS officials at several government
departments. Skadden declined comment for this story.

Lobbying firms, including Podesta Group and BGR Group, both of whom boast
CFIUS experts on their websites, seek to persuade lawmakers and U.S.
officials that a transaction is not threatening, as any concerns they
harbor can trickle down to CFIUS officials, according to industry sources.
BGR declined to comment, while Podesta did not respond to requests for
comment.

Management consulting firms, such as Accenture Plc and Deloitte Touche
Tohmatsu Ltd, offer to help companies address national security risks
identified by CFIUS. So-called "mitigation measures" can range from asset
sales to ensuring that only U.S. citizens perform certain tasks. Deloitte
declined to comment.

Sorting out who among the advisors have connections and insight into CFIUS
is not always easy.

"Some of the law firms specializing in this stuff are excellent, while
others sign companies on for terms that are utterly unimplementable," said
Accenture consultant Andrew Walker, who helps companies comply with
conditions imposed by CFIUS.



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