March 14, 2016

*Obama on Foreign Policy Apocalypse: Don't Blame Me*

By Michael Curtis <http://www.americanthinker.com/author/michael_curtis_1/>

At the 18th Communist Party Congress on March 10, 1939, Josef Stalin warned
that the Soviet Union would be cautious and "not allow our country to be
drawn into conflicts of war-mongers who are accustomed to have others pull
chestnuts out of the fire for them."  The unidentified war-mongers were
implicitly Britain and France, not Nazi Germany, with which the Soviet
Union was to sign a non-aggression pact on August 23, 1939.

The blame game is now being played in the United States.  President Barack
Obama has accused Britain and France, and unnamed others countries, of
being "free riders," unwilling to put "skin in the game."

It was startling to read the article by Jeffrey Goldberg and his candid
interview and portrait of President Barak Obama in the issue of Atlantic
Magazine of March 10, 2016.  It is an unusual criticism, if in less brutal
language than that of the Soviet dictator, but nevertheless an
unprecedented attack on two supposed allies, Britain and France.  The two
countries, Obama implied, were trying to involve the U.S. in conflicts in
which U.S. interests are not at stake.

The revealing unfolding of thoughts, not always expressed in consistent
fashion, by the president was an unbecoming exhibition of settling of
scores with the European countries who Obama had expected to do the heavy
lifting in international problems in the Middle East.

As a candidate in the presidential elections, Obama pledged to get out of
Iraq and Afghanistan.  Throughout his presidency Obama has sought to avoid
committing U.S. forces in foreign conflicts if possible, though he
recognized the danger of al-Qaeda and threats to the State of Israel.  As
Jeffrey Goldberg reports it, Obama argued that the first task in
international affairs of a U.S. president is "don't do stupid s***."
 Others might more appropriately see this as the rationalization for the
refusal by the U.S. to exercise leadership as it has done since 1945.

Obama's international priorities are unusual.  For him, ISIS is not an
existential threat.  But he views climate change as a threat to the entire
world, and one that affects all the other problems we face.  Seemingly less
important, and almost an afterthought, is the long-term problem of
"terrorism when combined with the problem of failed states."

Obama has taken unilateral positive, if controversial, action in Cuba, the
TPP trade agreement, and the nuclear agreement with Iran.  He claims to be
setting the agenda in meetings of international leaders, and in efforts to
strengthen international organizations.  His policy is to act in
multilateral fashion.

Once upon a time – in fact, in his Nobel Prize speech in 2009 – President
Obama said, "Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly
intervention later."  The remark is pertinent to his thoughts and his
policies and the criticism of them concerning Libya and Syria.

In 2011, the U.S. reluctantly intervened in order to halt Moammar Gaddafi's
persecution of people in Libya, though it was a case where U.S. national
interest was said not to be directly at stake.  In view of Obama's
criticism of British prime minister David Cameron, it is well to remember
the chain of events.  In February 2011, Cameron was working on plans for a
military "no-fly zone" over Libya.  On behalf of the president, Robert
Gates, secretary of defense, dismissed this as "loose talk."  Then, on
March 17, 2011, the U.N. Security Council voted to impose the no-fly zone
in Libya.  In October, Gaddafi was captured and killed.  Obama explained
his policy by saying it was not important to U.S. interests to have made a
unilateral U.S. strike against Gaddafi.

Obama is right that Libya is still a "s*** show."  It is a failed state
with no real working government, with a large part of the country
controlled by a variety of competing militias and terrorist groups.  Obama
blamed the failure on the degree of tribal division in Libya that was
greater than his analysts had expected.  Parenthetically, one wonders who
these "analysts" were, since the tribal rivalries in Libya have been
discussed in all serious commentary on the country.

More important, Obama blamed France and Britain for the present mess.  The
president said he had urged Cameron and French president Nicolas Sarkozy to
lead the campaign to settle Libya after Gaddafi's fall.  He accused Sarkozy
of wanting to take credit and to be in the spotlight for French action, to
blow the trumpet for the French flights.

Obama verged on impertinence in seeming to blame Cameron for leaving Libya
after Gaddafi had fallen, and therefore implicitly for the consequence that
Libya is now what Obama inelegantly called a "s*** show."  Instead of
stabilizing Libya in spring 2011, Cameron, he argued, had been "distracted
by other things," though the distractions were not mentioned.

Much of the suspicion of Obama's foreign policy results from his famous
non-action concerning the possible use of chemical weapons by the regime of
Bashar Assad in Syria.  His words were uncharacteristically strong: "We
have been very clear to the Assad regime … that a red line for us is, we
start seeing a whole bunch of chemical weapons moving around or being
utilized.  That would change my calculus.  That would change my
calculation."

Whatever these mathematical terms were meant to be to be, in practical
terms, Obama changed his mind on August 30, 2013, the day before the
planned strike on Syria.  He took no action by air strikes or anything
else, though action was favored by, among others, Secretary of State John
Kerry, Susan Rice, Leon Panetta, Republicans in the Senate, France, and
Britain, and the U.S. military were prepared to act.

Surprisingly, Obama's chestnuts were pulled out of the fire by the decision
of President Vladimir Putin to work for the successful removal of Syria's
chemical weapons arsenal.

Obama called on Assad to go but did not use force.  Obama still thinks his
refusal to act when Assad violated the "red line" was the right decision.
He explained that the U.K. was a major factor in the decision not to
enforce the "red line" after Syria's use of chemical weapons.

Obama has given various explanations for his failure to take action, but
two are particularly interesting.  One is the failure of Prime Minister
Cameron to get consent of the British Parliament.  Indeed, Cameron did not
get the consent of the House of Commons, but this was in part due to the
campaign of Labour leader Ed Miliband in August for Labour M.P.s to vote
against U.K. air strikes.

The other is his rationale that the scope of executive power in national
security issues is very broad but not limitless.  This is a surprising
argument from the president who has had no hesitation in issuing executive
orders, so far 226, in domestic policy.

But Obama's slight of Cameron is more meaningful.  During World War II,
Winston Churchill first spoke of the "special relationship" between Britain
and the U.S.  However, Obama said the U.K. could not claim a  "special
relationship" if the U.K. did not commit itself to spend on its defense the
2 percent of its GDP required by NATO agreement.  In fact, Britain has
pledged to meet the NATO target of spending the 2per cent of GDP every year
up to 2020 and has maintained the size of its army.

It is clear that for President Obama, the Middle East is not an area for
U.S. priority.  Equally, he does not advocate a leadership role in
international affairs, even if it is sometimes expressed, though also
sometimes denied, as "leading from behind."  None of this excuses his
blaming other countries and politicians for problems or deficiencies in the
international arena.  They are not pulling anyone's chestnuts out of the
fire.


Read more:
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