Not sure what to make of this.
Bear


[image: Politico illustration/Getty and iStock]

Politico illustration/Getty and iStock

The reporter from the *Washington Post* didn’t ask Donald Trump about
nuclear weapons, but he wanted to talk about them anyway. “Some people have
an ability to negotiate,” Trump said, of facing the Soviet Union. “You
either have it or you don’t.”

He wasn’t daunted by the complexity of the topic: “It would take an hour
and a half to learn everything there is to learn about missiles,” he said.

It was the fall of 1984, Trump Tower was new, and this was unusual
territory for the 38-year-old real estate developer. He was three years
away from his first semi-serious dalliance with presidential politics, more
than 30 years before the beginning of his current campaign—but he had
gotten the idea to bring this up, he said, from his attorney, his good
friend and his closest adviser, Roy Cohn.

That Roy Cohn.

Roy Cohn, the lurking legal hit man for red-baiting Sen. Joe McCarthy,
whose reign of televised intimidation in the 1950s has become synonymous
with demagoguery, fear-mongering and character assassination. In the
formative years of Donald Trump’s career, when he went from a rich kid
working for his real estate-developing father to a top-line dealmaker in
his own right, Cohn was one of the most powerful influences and helpful
contacts in Trump’s life.

Over a 13-year-period, ending shortly before Cohn’s death in 1986, Cohn
brought his say-anything, win-at-all-costs style to all of Trump’s most
notable legal and business deals. Interviews with people who knew both men
at the time say the relationship ran deeper than that—that Cohn’s
philosophy shaped the real estate mogul’s worldview and the belligerent
public persona visible in Trump’s presidential campaign.

“Something Cohn had, Donald liked,” Susan Bell, Cohn’s longtime secretary,
said this week when I asked her about the relationship between her old boss
and Trump.

By the 1970s, when Trump was looking to establish his reputation in
Manhattan, the elder Cohn had long before remade himself as the ultimate
New York power lawyer, whose clientele included politicians, financiers and
mob bosses. Cohn engineered the combative response to the Department of
Justice’s suit alleging racial discrimination at the Trumps’ many rental
properties in Brooklyn and Queens. He brokered the gargantuan tax
abatements and the mob-tied concrete work that made the Grand Hyatt hotel
and Trump Tower projects. He wrote the cold-hearted prenuptial agreement
before the first of his three marriages and filed the headline-generating
antitrust suit against the National Football League. To all of these deals,
Cohn brought his political connections, his public posturing and a simple
credo: Always attack, never apologize.

“Cohn just pushed through things—if he wanted something, he got it. I think
Donald had a lot of that in him, but he picked up a lot of that from Cohn,”
Bell said.

“Roy was a powerful force, recognized as a person with deep and varied
contacts, politically as well as legally,” Michael Rosen, who worked as an
attorney in Cohn’s firm for 17 years, told me. “The movers and shakers of
New York, he was very tight with these people—they admired him, they sought
his advice. His persona, going back to McCarthy … and his battles with the
government certainly attracted clients.”

It was a long, formidable list that included the executives of media
empires, the Archbishop of New York and mafia kingpin Fat Tony Salerno, and
there, too, near the top, was budding, grasping Donald John Trump.

“He considered Cohn a mentor,” Mike Gentile, the lead prosecutor who got
Cohn disbarred for fraud and deceit not long before he died, said in a
recent interview.

People who knew Cohn and know Trump—people who have watched and studied
both men—say they see in Trump today unmistakable signs of the enduring
influence of Cohn. The frank belligerence. The undisguised disregard for
niceties and convention. The media manipulation clotted with an abiding
belief in the potent currency of celebrity.
[image: Sen. Joseph McCarthy covers the microphones with his hands while
having a whispered discussion with Roy Cohn, his chief counsel, during a
committee hearing on April 26, 1954, in Washington. | AP Photo]

Sen. Joseph McCarthy covers the microphones with his hands while having a
whispered discussion with Roy Cohn, his chief counsel, during a committee
hearing on April 26, 1954, in Washington. | AP Photo

Trump did not respond to a request from Politicoto talk about Cohn. In the
past, though, when he has talked about Cohn, Trump has been clear about why
he collaborated with him, and admired him.

“If you need someone to get vicious toward an opponent, you get Roy,” he
told *Newsweek* in 1979.

A year later, pressed by a reporter from *New York* magazine to justify his
association with Cohn, he was characteristically blunt: “All I can tell you
is he’s been vicious to others in his protection of me.”

He elaborated in an interview in 2005. “Roy was brutal, but he was a very
loyal guy,” Trump told author Tim O’Brien. “He brutalized for you.”

Trump, in the end, turned some of that cold calculation on his teacher,
severing his professional ties to Cohn when he learned his lawyer was dying
of AIDS.

***

*Cohn and Trump, according to Trump,* met in 1973 at Le Club, a
members-only East Side hangout for social-scene somebodies and those who
weren’t but wanted to be.

By then Cohn had been in the public eye for 20 years. As chief counsel to
McCarthy, he led secretive investigations of people inside and outside the
federal government whom he and McCarthy suspected of Communist sympathies,
homosexuality or espionage. Over a period of several years, McCarthy’s
crusade destroyed dozens of careers before a final 36-day, televised
hearing brought his and Cohn’s often unsubstantiated allegations into the
open, leading to McCarthy’s censure in the Senate. Cohn, disgraced by
association, retreated to his native New York.

There, through the ‘60s and into the ‘70s, Cohn embraced an unabashedly
conspicuous lifestyle. He had a Rolls-Royce with his initials on a vanity
plate and a yacht called *Defiance*. He was a singular nexus of New York
power, trafficking in influence and reveling in gossip. He hung on the
walls of the East 68th Street townhouse, that doubled as the office of his
law firm, pictures of himself with politicians, entertainers and other
bold-face names. He was a tangle of contradictions, a Jewish anti-Semite
and a homosexual homophobe, vehemently closeted but insatiably promiscuous.
In 1964, ’69 and ’71, he had been tried and acquitted of federal charges of
conspiracy, bribery and fraud, giving him—at least in the eyes of a certain
sort—an aura of battle-tested toughness, the perception of invincibility.
“If you can get Machiavelli as a lawyer,” he would write in *The
Autobiography of Roy Cohn*, “you’re certainly no fool of a client.”

Trump was 27. He had just moved to Manhattan but was still driving back to
his father’s company offices in Brooklyn for work. He hadn’t bought
anything. He hadn’t built anything. But he had badgered the owners of Le
Club to let him join, precisely to get to know older, connected,
power-wielding men like Cohn. He knew who he was. And now he wanted to talk.

He and his father had just been slapped with Department of Justice charges
that they weren’t renting to blacks because of racial discrimination.
Attorneys had urged them to settle. Trump didn’t want to do that. He
quizzed Cohn at Le Club. What should they do?

He became Donald’s mentor, his constant adviser on every significant aspect
of his business and personal life.”

“Tell them to go to hell,” Cohn told Trump, according to Trump’s account in
his book *The Art of the Deal*, “and fight the thing in court.”

That December, representing the Trumps in *United States v. Fred C. Trump,
Donald Trump and Trump Management, Inc.*, Cohn filed a $100-million
countersuit against the federal government, deriding the charges as
“irresponsible” and “baseless.”

The judge dismissed it quickly as “wasting time and paper.”

The back-and-forth launched more than a year and a half of bluster and
stalling and bullying—and ultimately settling. But in affidavits, motions
and hearings in court, Cohn accused the DOJ and the assisting FBI of
“Gestapo-like tactics.” He labeled their investigators “undercover agents”
and “storm troopers.” Cohn called the head of DOJ down in Washington and
attempted to get him to censure one of the lead staffers.

The judge called all of it “totally unfounded.”
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By June of 1975, the judge had had it with the Trumps’ attorney. “I must
say, Mr. Cohn,” he said in a hearing, “that this case seems to be plagued
with unnecessary problems, and I think the time has come when we have to
bite the bullet.”

They hashed out the details of a consent decree. The Trumps were going to
have to rent to more blacks and other minorities and they were going to
have to put ads in newspapers—including those targeted specifically to
minority communities—saying they were an “equal housing opportunity”
company. Trump and his father, emboldened by Cohn, bristled at the
implication of wrongdoing—even, too, at the cost of the ads.

“It is really onerous,” Trump complained.

At one point, flouting the formality of the court, Trump addressed one of
the opposing attorneys by her first name: “Will you pay for the expense,
Donna?”

Trump and Cohn seemed most concerned with managing the media. They
squabbled with the government attorneys over the press release about the
disposition. First they wanted no release. Impossible, said the government.
Then they wanted “a joint release.” A what? A public agency, it was
explained to them, had a public information office, on account of the
public’s right to know.

Cohn didn’t want to hear it.

“They will say what they want,” he told the judge, and everybody else in
the courtroom, “and we will say what we want.”

The government called the consent decree “one of the most far reaching ever
negotiated.”

Cohn and Trump? They called it a victory.

Case 73 C 1529 was over. The relationship between Cohn and Trump had just
begun.

“Though Cohn had ostensibly been retained by Donald to handle a single
piece of litigation,” Wayne Barrett, an investigative journalist for New
York’s *Village Voice,* would write in his 1992 book about Trump, “he began
in the mid-‘70s to assume a role in Donald’s life far transcending that of
a lawyer. He became Donald’s mentor, his constant adviser on every
significant aspect of his business and personal life.”



http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/04/donald-trump-roy-cohn-mentor-joseph-mccarthy-213799#ixzz45FIxRYGz

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