Unloved and unstoppable
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by republican neocon and zionist warmongers ...  she's the next potus.

On Tuesday, April 26, 2016 at 6:46:36 AM UTC-5, Travis wrote:
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> http://www.economist.com/news/briefing/21697220-year-insurgents-americans-appear-likely-elect-establishment-grande-dame?fsrc=scn/tw/te/pe/ed/unlovedandunstoppable
> Unloved and unstoppable
>
> AMONG the millions of words Hillary Clinton has expended on the campaign 
> trail, these stood out. “This is not easy for me,” said the Democratic 
> front-runner, during a televised debate in Florida last month. “I am not a 
> natural politician, in case you haven’t noticed, like my husband or 
> President Obama.” A more straightforward answer to the question posed—why 
> do two-thirds of Americans mistrust you?—might have cited the many scandals 
> that have attended her three decades in public life. An FBI investigation 
> into her casual handling of classified information is merely the latest. 
> But if somewhat disingenuous, her response was, in its way, accurate and 
> revealing.
>
> She does not mesmerise on the stump, as Barack Obama and Bill Clinton did. 
> She is fluent and accomplished but icily controlled, as if stage-managing 
> her every utterance. Her grip on policy is ironclad; in hours of wonkish 
> debate with Bernie Sanders, the rival she beat handsomely in the New York 
> primary on April 19th (see article 
> <http://www.economist.com/news/united-states/21697269-hillary-clinton-and-donald-trump-won-big-big-apple-march-titans>),
>  
> she has rarely been caught out. But the easy charm Mrs Clinton displays in 
> private is seldom evident. “She tries so hard to be real she just seems 
> false,” said a 21-year-old student, voting in the Ohio primary last month. 
> His friends nodded; all were “feelin’ the Bern, definitely!”
>
> Her oratorical weaknesses contribute to Mrs Clinton’s reputation for 
> shiftiness. Where Mr Obama inspired with promises of a better world, she 
> rams home her argument like a trial lawyer. That can sound hectoring; it 
> also makes her look especially hypocritical when she changes tack. Her 
> decision to come out against the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) last year 
> would have seemed less cynical had she not predicted that the deal would be 
> the “gold standard” of trade agreements.
>
> These problems hurt Mrs Clinton even before a large part of the Democratic 
> electorate, enraged by the financial crisis and its aftermath, turned 
> against establishment politicians. A 68-year-old former first lady, senator 
> and secretary of state, with good friends on Wall Street (she pocketed 
> $675,000 for giving three speeches to Goldman Sachs in 2013), her candidacy 
> was always liable to face an anti-establishment attack. Still, Mr Sanders, 
> the 74-year-old conscience of Vermont, has made her struggle far more than 
> anyone predicted.
>
> When Mr Sanders announced his presidential run in a four-minute-long 
> speech to a handful of journalists, he did not look like a contender. The 
> rumpled senator, who for 25 years has been the sole self-declared socialist 
> in Congress, has gone on to win 17 states. In recent months his campaign 
> has raised more money than Mrs Clinton’s: $44m last month, mostly in small 
> contributions from millions of admirers. Most are young and white—like 
> those Ohioan students, one of whom predicted Mr Sanders would win because 
> he “didn’t know anyone who wasn’t voting for him”—or well-educated lefties. 
> These groups have felt the Bern by huge margins. Even women below the age 
> of 35 have done so, suggesting that the radical promise of a first woman 
> president is not such a big deal to those born after the 1970s.
>
> *Down and confused*
>
> Mrs Clinton owes her lead over Mr Sanders to older whites and to Hispanics 
> and blacks of all ages, who have backed her by a similar preponderance—but 
> with less obvious enthusiasm. A few days before the primary in South 
> Carolina, it was hard to find voters in Orangeburg, one of America’s 
> blackest cities, fired up by the candidate they were about to choose by a 
> 72-point margin. In 2008, recalled Sharon Marlon, who runs the city’s 
> Masters hair salon, you could hardly move for Obama yard-signs. “But where 
> are the Hillary signs? I haven’t seen one!” This apathy looks bad for Mrs 
> Clinton’s chances in a general election. The Democrats need a big turnout 
> if they are to win a rare third straight victory.
>
> Scandal-dogged, distrusted and divisive, a workaday campaigner with a 
> style and résumé at odds with her party’s humour, Mrs Clinton is not ideal. 
> Yet all this may hardly matter. She is almost certain to win the Democratic 
> nomination. Her victory in New York has extended her lead in elected 
> delegates to 237. She also has a large lead in “super-delegates”, the 
> Democratic top brass who have a vote at the party’s nominating convention 
> in July (see chart 1). To catch up, Mr Sanders would need to win about 60% 
> of the remaining delegates, which is almost unimaginable. The Democrats 
> divvy up their delegates in proportion to vote share and Mrs Clinton has a 
> lead in all the big remaining states, including Pennsylvania and California.
>
> Having won her party’s ticket, Mrs Clinton would probably face either 
> Donald Trump or Ted Cruz in November. Both men have consistently lost to 
> her in head-to-head polling (see chart 2). Predictwise, which looks at 
> polls, betting markets and bookies, puts her chance of becoming president 
> at more than 70%. Perhaps only an indictment arising from the investigation 
> into her use of a private e-mail server when secretary of state could stop 
> her.
>
> Her Republican rivals claim to expect one. Mr Trump says she faces “up to 
> 20 years in prison”. Mr Cruz, in his snider fashion, says that, instead of 
> the White House, “I’ve got slightly different government housing in mind 
> for her.” Within the next few weeks Mrs Clinton and a couple of her aides 
> are expected to be summoned for interviews with the FBI to ascertain 
> whether they “knowingly” mishandled classified information, or allowed that 
> to happen through “gross negligence”. If Mrs Clinton is indicted, it is 
> assumed she would quit the contest (leaving Democratic leaders to try to 
> block Mr Sanders much as their Republican counterparts are trying to nobble 
> Mr Trump).
>
> Republicans have a history of pinning imagined crimes on Mrs Clinton. The 
> e-mail case sprang from one such: on the basis of no evidence, many 
> believed Mrs Clinton had failed to protect America’s ambassador to Libya 
> and three co-workers, killed by jihadists in 2012. Mrs Clinton’s e-mail 
> arrangements emerged from one of several congressional inquiries into this 
> bogus scandal. Disdaining the usual protocols, she used a private system, 
> protected by off-the-shelf security systems, to send and receive 
> e-mails—2,100 of which, it transpired, contained classified information.
>
> This looks naive and high-handed—a familiar case of Mrs Clinton bending 
> rules to her convenience, her critics say. Her friends admit the trait, in 
> both Clintons, but excuse it as a response to Republican hounding. “It is 
> to stop those who would undermine them that they do things they shouldn’t 
> do,” says Leon Panetta, a former head of the CIA and Mr Clinton’s former 
> chief of staff. Contemptuous of her Republican accusers, Mrs Clinton for 
> too long refused to admit having done anything wrong. That made her look 
> arrogant and prolonged the controversy; the public’s trust in her, 
> impressively high when she was secretary of state, tumbled (see chart 3).
>
> Republicans compare her case with that of General David Petraeus, who 
> pleaded guilty to mishandling classified information last year. On the face 
> of it, that is absurd. Mr Petraeus knowingly gave top-secret intelligence 
> to his biographer (with whom he was having an affair). There is so far no 
> suggestion that Mrs Clinton knew her e-mails contained classified 
> information. The 2,100 in question were classified after the fact, often 
> against the advice of the State Department and mostly in the mild 
> “confidential” bracket. After a review of dozens of federal investigations 
> into similar cases, *Politico*, a newspaper, concluded it was “highly 
> unlikely” she would be indicted.
>
> *The fisted glove*
>
> If Mrs Clinton does make it back to the White House, as seems likely 
> despite her struggles, it will be for three main reasons. Mr Sanders has 
> done her more good than harm; the Democrats are more united than they seem; 
> and the Republicans are every bit as divided.
>
> The Sanders insurgency has forced Mrs Clinton to build her campaign 
> aggressively. Modelled on Mr Obama’s victorious efforts, it relies on a 
> loose structure of volunteers. Some worried that the graft required for 
> such an approach to deliver would not be forthcoming for a candidate so 
> much less inspiring than Mr Obama. It seems that it has been, though, 
> especially among African-Americans, a group which may have been made more 
> politically active by its decisive role in determining the outcome in 2008 
> and 2012. Though there were few Hillary yard-signs up in Orangeburg, Mrs 
> Clinton’s activists had toured the city’s Baptist churches and were 
> confident of the rout they duly delivered.
>
> An adept debater, Mr Sanders has forced Mrs Clinton to sharpen her 
> message, especially on issues such as wages and trade that are likely to be 
> crucial in the general election. Mrs Clinton’s biggest scare, by far, was a 
> surprise defeat in Michigan on March 8th that reflected Mr Sanders’s 
> success in painting her as a jobs-destroying free trader. This evoked a 
> nightmare of Mr Sanders tearing up the rest of the rust-belt—or, supposing 
> Mrs Clinton survived that, of the protectionist Mr Trump doing likewise in 
> November. Both Clintons promptly descended on Ohio, Illinois and Missouri, 
> which were due to vote a week later, to advertise her more mixed record on 
> trade.
>
> Hillary versus Hillary: The 2008-2016 horse race 
> <http://www.economist.com/blogs/graphicdetail/2016/04/hillary-2016-v-hillary-2008>
>  
>
> There is little doubt she favours free trade. She was a cheerleader for 
> the North American Free Trade Agreement, signed into law by her husband, 
> and voted for several bilateral deals in the Senate. When in need of union 
> votes, however, she has been less enthusiastic—in 2008 she aped Mr Obama by 
> slamming NAFTA; in the Senate she voted against its Central American 
> equivalent. In a speech in Ohio, Mrs Clinton vowed to “stop dead in its 
> tracks any trade deal that hurts America and American workers.” The 
> onslaught worked. Mrs Clinton won all three states—including a majority of 
> those Ohioans who thought international trade had cost America jobs.
>
> Being seen to scrap has been beneficial in itself; a recent Gallup poll 
> suggests her supporters are becoming more enthusiastic. “I was for Bernie, 
> but what she’s said about equal pay for women has really swayed me,” said 
> Dana, a Harley-Davidson motorbike inspector in Wisconsin, ahead of its 
> primary on April 5th. Mrs Clinton lost that one. Indeed, going in to New 
> York, she had lost seven of the previous eight states. But her strategists 
> were pretty relaxed. Those defeats were in places with few big cities and a 
> lot of whites—in other words, those least representative of the Democratic 
> electorate.
>
> It is an indicator of her underrated strength that Mrs Clinton has largely 
> avoided lurching to the left after Mr Sanders, a manoeuvre that would 
> inevitably damage her in the general election. Many pundits claim 
> otherwise, but this is based on wishful thinking of two different sorts. 
> Those on the right want to see their long-held belief that she is a 
> dangerous leftie borne out. Those on the left, the more realistic of whom 
> always saw nudging Mrs Clinton leftward as the most they could hope for, 
> want to see that hope realised. “The Sanders movement has caused her to 
> reconsider her priorities, change her positions,” says Congressman Raúl 
> Grijalva from Arizona, a rare Bernie-backer on the Hill. But there is 
> little evidence for this.
>
> The prime, incontestable shred is Mrs Clinton’s flick-flack on TPP, which 
> would be hard for her to reverse. Yet if the Senate ratifies the agreement 
> this year, as it may, she will be spared the dilemma. She has said nothing 
> to rule out future deals, including TPP’s companion agreement, covering 
> trans-Atlantic trade. Otherwise, Mrs Clinton’s more leftist positions, for 
> example those on cutting student debt and expanding Social Security, are 
> more moderate than she often tries to make them sound. She has proposed 
> nothing that is likely to panic swing voters in November.
>
> Take tax. To pay for his policies, Mr Sanders would increase income tax 
> and introduce two new payroll taxes. The marginal rate paid by the richest 
> Americans, including federal and state taxes, would rise to 73% in the 
> average state. Mrs Clinton’s tax plan entails a 10% increase in the 
> marginal rate for those with income over $5m a year, bringing it to 43.6%, 
> and a minimum federal-income-tax rate of 30% for those earning over a 
> million dollars. Despite the post-crisis anxiety many voters feel over 
> bankers, wages and other left-wing targets, there is little in any of her 
> proposals to suggest she would stray from the pragmatic, pro-market, 
> centre-left territory of Mr Obama and her husband.
>
> The public seems to understand this better than the pundits. On a 
> left-right scale compiled by Crowdpac, a data firm, from the perceptions of 
> millions of political donors, Mrs Clinton has scarcely budged in a year. 
> She has much the same liberal rating as Mr Obama. This must be 
> disappointing for Mr Sanders’s fans. Even so, two-thirds of them already 
> say they will vote for her in November, and the number will surely rise as 
> the party closes ranks in the summer. There is already evidence of this. 
> “If she wins, we hope our supporters will support her,” said Mr Sanders’s 
> wife Jane on April 13th. “It’s nowhere near as rancorous as it was between 
> Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton.”
>
> If not natural no matter 
>
> This is the second factor in Mrs Clinton’s favour. Despite their 
> differences, Democrats are basically united. Most revere Mr Obama, who is 
> quietly backing Mrs Clinton, dislike Republicans and want power. In an 
> online poll of 400,000 Democratic voters conducted by Alan Grayson, a 
> congressman from Florida, hardly any said they were supporting either 
> candidate because they disliked the other.
>
> The third factor is that the Republicans are mustering for civil war. Exit 
> polls in Wisconsin suggested more than a third of Republican voters would 
> not back Mr Trump in a general election. No wonder Republican bosses are 
> trying to block him; yet if they do, a third of Mr Trump’s supporters say 
> they will not support any other Republican candidate. Mr Cruz would be a 
> less divisive figure, but perhaps only a bit; he is caustically right-wing 
> and hated by most of the party bosses.
>
> *Love the one you’re with*
>
> Some moderate Republicans already say they would hold their noses and pick 
> Mrs Clinton over either man. At a polling station in Milwaukee, a retired 
> marine who had just voted for John Kasich, the Republican in distant third 
> place, said he would vote for her over Mr Trump or Mr Cruz. More important, 
> either of those two would put fire into the bellies of apathetic Democrats, 
> enabling them to stretch their emerging advantage in the popular vote. 
> Although Hispanics have one of the lowest participation rates in the 
> Democratic coalition, it will still matter that eight in ten of them 
> dislike Mr Trump—and seven in ten loathe him.
>
> It has been long assumed that, even if Mrs Clinton does win the 
> presidency, a Republican-controlled Congress would prevent her doing much 
> with it. Yet some Republicans now fret that, with Mr Trump on their ticket, 
> they could lose not only the Senate but also their 30-seat majority in the 
> House of Representatives. This possibility, while still seeming 
> far-fetched, has some Democrats wondering what Mrs Clinton might do with a 
> freer hand than Mr Obama has recently enjoyed.
>
> She might well attempt nothing more dramatic than she has already 
> promised. In the best case for the Democrats, she would still face a 
> Republican filibuster in the Senate. Moreover, her own record there and as 
> secretary of state suggests pragmatism and a commitment to incremental 
> improvement, not radicalism and the grand gesture. “She is totally opposed 
> to not getting anything done,” says Mr Panetta. “She knows her limitations, 
> but she also knows how to empower others.” Her caution is partly informed 
> by the high price Mr Clinton and Mr Obama both paid for launching ambitious 
> measures, including on deficit reduction and health care, early on. Both 
> lost control of Congress after two years. Mrs Clinton might be expected to 
> eke out her political capital more gradually.
>
> It is a remarkable paradox that, in a year of populist insurgency, she, 
> the archetypal establishment creature, looks best-placed to win. If she 
> does, she suggested in a recent interview with *Business Insider*, 
> Americans will soon like her a lot more than they do now: “Because when I 
> have a position, whether it’s first lady, or senator, or secretary of 
> state, and I’m doing the work, I’m really quite popular.” Quite likely, we 
> will see about that.
>
>
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