More goofy shit from Secular Progressives......Transgenders are not a
protected class,  nothing that North Carolina has done could even remotely
be construed as "Unconstitutional"....It just pisses off Secular
Progressives, and is another death nail in their Anti-American coffin(s).



On Fri, May 6, 2016 at 11:48 AM, plainolamerican <[email protected]>
wrote:

> A decision written by Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia helps explain
> why North Carolina's H.B.2 bathroom bill is illegal.
>
> First the American Civil Liberties Union
> <https://www.aclu.org/sites/default/files/field_document/dkt_1_-_carcano_v._mccrory_complaint.pdf>
>  and
> now the U.S. Justice Department
> <https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2823498-Doj-Letter-Nc.html>have
> concluded that North Carolina’s bathroom bill, H.B.2, is illegal and
> probably unconstitutional as well. Most people of goodwill may
> instinctively feel the same way.
>
> But why?
>
> If pushed, most people would say, “It’s discriminatory.” That’s the answer
> my Con Law students often give about various hypothetical statutes. They’re
> always correct, and always wrong, because all laws are “discriminatory.”
> Driver’s-license laws and drinking laws discriminate on the basis of age,
> for example. Immigration law discriminates on the basis of birthplace and
> citizenship. Tax laws discriminate on residence, income level, home
> ownership, and occupation.
> LATEST FROM POLITICS
>
> <http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/05/dont-blame-tv-for-trump/481221/>
>
> Don’t Blame TV for Trump
> <http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/05/dont-blame-tv-for-trump/481221/>
>
> In order to invalidate a law, a challenger must show that the law engages
> in discrimination that is forbidden, either by the Constitution itself or
> by a valid statute. That’s the position the Justice Department took
> Wednesday in its letters to North Carolina state officials. H.B.2, they
> say, violates Title VII, the employment-discrimination section of the Civil
> Rights Act of 1964.
>
> But if so, why is that true? The so-called “bathroom provisions” of the
> bill target transgender individuals. The Civil Rights Act doesn’t make any
> reference to trans people—it forbids discrimination in employment “because
> of … race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.”
>
> A defender of the bill would argue, first, that it doesn’t discriminate
> against anyone—it only requires bathrooms at a state office or school “to
> be designated for and only used by persons based on their biological sex,”
> which is defined as “the physical condition of being male or female, which
> is stated on a person’s birth certificate.” All men, as the state defines
> the term, must use the men’s room, and all women, as the state defines the
> term, must use the women’s room—the essence of equality.
>
> Second, the defender would argue, look at the terms above: The statute
> does not forbid discrimination against transgender people—or, for that
> matter, against lesbians and gays. So even if H.B.2 does discriminate, it’s
> not forbidden discrimination. The legislature decided it had a reason for
> the discrimination—to keep supposed transgender rapists away from
> children—and so everything is fine.
>
> The answer to the first argument is easy. Government discriminators have
> used the language of equality for a century and a half, as in the argument
> that Southern segregation was a system of “separate but equal.” But the
> Supreme Court has recognized, equality is more than words on a page; it is
> a practical concept, relating to the way people live. It can be violated in
> a million ways, and (as I remember from my segregated childhood) telling
> people what bathrooms they can and can’t use is at least potentially one of
> them.
>
> The second argument remains: Nothing in the statute forbids discriminating
> on the basis of “being transgender.”
> Men could harass men, they argued, but that wasn’t *sexual* harassment.
>
> To understand why the bathroom bill violates Title VII, I turn to an
> eminent figure in the history of civil-rights law, Justice Antonin Scalia.
> In 1991, the Supreme Court decided *Oncale v. Sundowner Offshore
> Services, Inc* <https://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/96-568.ZO.html>*.—*a
> Title VII lawsuit brought by a former roustabout—a married man with
> children who happened to be on the small side—on an all-male oil-rig crew
> working in the Gulf of Mexico. For reasons that aren’t entirely clear, in
> the prison-like isolation of the platform, Joseph Oncale’s workmates
> harassed him by repeatedly holding him down and threatening to rape him. On
> one occasion, he alleged, they pushed a bar of soap up his anus. He quit
> his job and sued the company for tolerating “sexual harassment.” The
> company said the statute did not apply. Men could harass men, they argued,
> but that wasn’t *sexual* harassment. The Fifth Circuit agreed, holding
> that same-sex harassment could never be harassment “because of sex.”
>
> Oncale took his case to the Supreme Court in December 1997. He cited an
> earlier case holding that Title VII was violated not because a plaintiff
> was a man or a woman but because “the employer relied upon sex-based
> considerations” in making employment decisions. The sexual *nature *of
> the threats and assaults, he said, meant that the harassment was “because
> of sex.” At oral argument <https://www.oyez.org/cases/1997/96-568>,
> however, Scalia was aggressively skeptical of Oncale’s claim. The
> plaintiff’s workmates, Scalia suggested, “just didn’t like this guy.” Later
> (apparently on the assumption that there must be something about Oncale’s
> sexuality that provoked the violence), Scalia said, “I don’t know why
> singling him out on the basis of his sexuality means that you’re singling
> him out on the basis of his sex.” The company’s lawyer gladly agreed,
> arguing that Congress could not have intended the statute to cover “the
> entire gam[ut] of sexuality.” Congress had recently refused to pass a
> statute against sexual-orientation discrimination; thus, he added, Title
> VII could not encompass anything that might suggest a bar on anti-gay
> discrimination.
>
> Yet when the decision was announced in March 1998, the vote was 9-0 for
> Oncale—and Scalia himself wrote the Court’s terse, somewhat grudging
> opinion. (Justice Clarence Thomas concurred separately.) “[N]othing in
> Title VII necessarily bars a claim of discrimination ‘because of … sex’
> merely because the plaintiff and the defendant … are of the same sex,”
> Scalia wrote. “[M]ale-on-male sexual harassment in the workplace was
> assuredly not the principal evil Congress was concerned with when it
> enacted Title VII. But statutory prohibitions often go beyond the principal
> evil to cover reasonably comparable evils.” The text said, “because of
> sex,” and Oncale had stated a claim. Scalia was probably not happy about
> the result; but he insisted that statutory words meant what they said, and
> the statute said, “because of sex.”
> A just state cannot assign people a status at birth and force them to live
> their lives in compliance with its estimation of who they are.
>
> The “bathroom” provision is *about *sex—“sex-based considerations”—and
> nothing else. The North Carolina law enacts a state definition of “physical
> sex” and makes the birth-certificate definition of sex binding on an
> individual. But trans people are people for whom the birth-certificate
> designation has proved to be erroneous. The weight of medical opinion
> supports them; to pretend, as the legislators did, that a trans
> individual’s gender identity is a subjective whim is at best ignorant—akin
> to climate denial—and at worst grossly dishonest. The assumption behind
> H.B.2 is that the state, and the state alone, is entitled to assign each of
> its residents a sex and require compliance with its will. But the premise
> of American law is that people are individuals. A just state cannot assign
> them a status—whether of race, caste, disability, or sexual identity—at
> birth and force them to live their lives in compliance with its estimation
> of who they are.
>
> Thus the state is refusing trans employees and students access to
> facilities for their sex *because of* a state objection to the way in
> which that sex was determined. A birth certificate cannot control an
> individual’s later gender identity; to claim otherwise would be akin to
> refusing to allow persons born out of state to vote in North Carolina, on
> the grounds that their birth certificates show that they are residents of
> other states.
>
> The idea that anti-trans discrimination *is* sex discrimination may seem
> novel. Even those charged with enforcing Title VII at one time rejected the
> idea. In 2013, Chai Feldblum—a former Georgetown Law professor who now
> serves on the federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission—published in
> the*Journal of Law in Society* a concise history of this change
> <https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahUKEwiZwJevv8PMAhUEVD4KHVWCBdwQFgggMAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Flaw.wayne.edu%2Fjournal-of-law-society%2Fpdf%2Ffeldblum_article.pdf&usg=AFQjCNGYzI9jEcuvn5IMRV44agAVHZhwEA&sig2=6PpJ0J45hdl30m3MEHu8_w>.
> In 1974, she notes, the Commission dismissed a complaint by a trans woman.
> This was not a case of discrimination “because of sex,” the EEOC reasoned,
> but one of discrimination because of “having undergone a particular
> operation.” Since that time, lower courts and federal agencies have
> rejected that crabbed idea and have fashioned powerful case law
> demonstrating that LGBT people who are treated differently than their
> coworkers (or fellow students at a federally funded institution) are
> suffering discrimination “because of sex.”
>
> The American understanding of human sexuality has now begun to embrace the
> full humanity of transgender people. That understanding will deepen as the
> law disarms the official hatred that seeks to drive them underground. It
> won’t take 40 years for society to see that the rationale of H.B.2 and
> other bathroom laws as farcical. All that’s needed are courts that take
> statutes seriously.
>
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