By Karoun Demirjian <http://www.washingtonpost.com/people/karoun-demirjian> May 
17 at 10:41 AM  
<[email protected]?subject=Reader%20feedback%20for%20%27House%20and%20Senate%20heading%20for%20a%20showdown%20over%20war%20funding%27>

House Armed Services Committee Chairman Mac Thornberry (R-Tex.) argues that 
tapping a war funding account is the right way to make sure Pentagon 
programs and military campaigns get the funding they need. (Molly Riley/AP)

House and Senate Republicans are at odds over how to allocate war spending, 
all but guaranteeing a showdown later this year over how to fund defense 
programs and keep military campaigns going in Afghanistan and Iraq and 
against the Islamic State.

House Republicans want to dip into the war account to help pay for Pentagon 
programs they feel would otherwise get squeezed. But their approach will 
make it necessary for Congress to approve an emergency war funding bill 
next spring, effectively blowing budget caps — a politically testy issue 
and a risk Senate Republicans decided not to take.

Instead, the Senate Armed Services Committee produced a policy bill that 
hews closely to the broader budget deal struck by Democrats and GOP leaders 
last year, rationalizing that “the agreement is the agreement,” despite 
leading Republicans’ concerns that they may be shortchanging certain 
priorities in the process.

At issue is an extra $18 billion worth of war funds that the House Armed 
Services Committee shifted to Defense Department programs in its annual 
policy bill, which the House is expected to pass this week.

House Armed Services Committee Chairman Mac Thornberry (R-Tex.) argued that 
tapping into more war funds is the only way to fund all the 
administration’s programs and respond to global threats that have worsened 
since lawmakers agreed on top-line budget numbers last year. Following the 
House’s plan also means the next president will get to weigh in on defense 
priorities, Thornberry added, before Congress has to pass any emergency 
money to keep war efforts going.

“I would argue that I think we’re the ones who are keeping to the 
agreement,” Thornberry said at a Washington Post editorial board meeting on 
Monday, acknowledging that “obviously it will have to be reconciled in some 
way” with the Senate’s bill.

When the Senate defense policy bill comes to the floor next week, Senate 
Armed Services Committee Chairman John McCain (R-Ariz.) is expected to 
offer a proposal to increase defense funding, though he has not yet 
specified how. But the amendment would need the support of Democrats to 
clear procedural hurdles, and securing those votes will be extremely 
difficult.

Congress’s Democratic minority opposes the accounting tactic of dipping 
further into the war account, seeing it as a Republican ploy to funnel more 
money to pet projects and squeeze more funding for defense without 
increasing spending for education, infrastructure and other domestic 
programs. Maintaining such parity is an important priority for the party. 
Last year, President Obama vetoed a first version of the annual defense 
policy bill over similar objections.

On Monday, the White House issued a veto threat 
<https://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/omb/legislative/sap/114/saphr4909r_20160516.pdf>
 against 
the House defense bill for a variety of reasons, including the decision to 
tap the war funding account, putting Democrats in a familiar bind: support 
the bill and keep the process going or vote no and risk being accused of 
leaving soldiers in the lurch.

Almost all House Armed Services Committee Democrats supported this year’s 
defense policy bill when it was approved by the panel, but such support has 
often broken when it comes to the floor vote

“At the end of the day, I’m just loath to vote against an authorization for 
our troops when we have folks in harm’s way right now,” said Rep. Tammy 
Duckworth (D-Ill.), a veteran who serves on the Armed Services Committee 
and is running for senator this year. She is one of only 37 Democrats who 
voted for the annual defense bill over the White House’s objections last 
year, before Obama vetoed the measure and it was sent back to Congress to 
be rewritten along the lines of the year-end budget agreement.

“If there’s no significant changes, I don’t support this going forward,” 
said Rep. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.), another veteran on the committee, who 
voted against last year’s bill. “This is not the way to budget the defense 
budget, and it’s also a violation of sequestration. I don’t believe you can 
have it both ways.”

For others, the dilemma is more complicated.

Last year, the House voted on the defense policy bill while congressional 
leaders were still hashing out a broader budget agreement that included 
defense spending. That freed up some Democrats, like committee member Rep. 
Niki Tsongas (D-Mass.) who said she decided not to support the defense 
policy on the floor during the first vote knowing she would get a chance to 
back it later once the overall spending deal was reached.

*[House adopts defense conference report, but can’t override veto 
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/powerpost/wp/2015/10/01/house-adopts-defense-conference-report-but-cant-override-veto/>]*

There is no similar parallel budget process at work in Congress this year. 
But House Democrats see Senate Republicans’ decision not to follow the 
House’s approach on war funding as “very helpful,” according to a committee 
aide.

“It means that even if this process continues to go awry here in the House, 
Democrats could get another opportunity later to fix this and then make a 
final call on whether they want to support it or not,” according to the 
same aide.

House Armed Services Committee ranking member Adam Smith (D-Wash.) has 
still not said how he will vote.

“I know that what the Republicans are hoping is to pass this budget and 
then do a supplemental in April,” he said after the committee approving the 
defense bill by a vote of 60 to 2. “We may have to say, look if you’re 
doing a supplemental, it can’t just be defense.”

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