http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/06/05/the-little-boy-of-cyberspace/


The ‘Little Boy’ of Cyberspace
<http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/06/05/the-little-boy-of-cyberspace/>

Academy Award winner Alex Gibney on how cyber weapons like Stuxnet are
changing the future of war -- and why Washington isn't prepared for the
fallout.

·         BY ELIAS GROLL <http://foreignpolicy.com/author/elias-groll>

·         JUNE 5, 2016

During his landmark visit last month to Hiroshima, Japan, President Barack
Obama declared that “technological progress without an equivalent progress
in human institutions can doom us.”

Though he was reflecting on nuclear weapons and presenting a vision for a
more peaceful future — “a future in which Hiroshima and Nagasaki are known
not as the dawn of atomic warfare but as the start of our own moral
awakening” — Obama’s reflections on institutions’ sluggish response to
technological change could serve as a useful coda to documentarian Alex
Gibney’s new film, *Zero Days*.

The film chronicles the dawn of a new kind of warfare, in cyberspace, and
explores how the United States pioneered it with Stuxnet, which will likely
join “Little Boy,” the atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima, in the history
books as a weapon that changed the character of war.

For all its wizardry — and there is a great deal — in telling a visually
captivating story about computer code, Gibney’s new film is also a plea for
transparency in the U.S. government’s growing arsenal of digital weapons,
and how they would use them in a time of war. The film includes a rather
remarkable montage of current and former government officials with
knowledge of the Stuxnet worm refusing to comment on a weapon that has huge
implications for the future of war.

Journalists and researchers who have tried to learn about America’s
military and intelligence capabilities in cyberspace are familiar with this
staggering secrecy. Though anonymous government officials have leaked to
the media that Stuxnet was a joint U.S.-Israeli operation, Washington still
formally refuses to acknowledge that it was behind the first example of a
digital weapon causing physical damage. The White House on Friday declined
to comment on the film and its revelations.

Such reticence to take responsibility for an act of war deeply disturbs
Gibney. “Nobody said after Hiroshima and Nagasaki: ‘What bombs?'” he
told Foreign
Policy in an interview.

Gibney won an Oscar in 2008 for *Taxi to the Dark Side*, about American
interrogation and detention practices in Afghanistan, and directed the
combative 2015 documentary about Scientology, *Going Clear*. Asked whether
he saw any parallels between the secretive church and America’s closed
community of digital spies and soldiers, Gibney said they are both “very
much in the business of sculpting the narrative.”

Authorized first by the Bush administration and continued by Obama, Stuxnet
targeted Iranian nuclear enrichment by infiltrating the computers
controlling the high-speed centrifuges that enrich uranium and are a key
step in producing a nuclear warhead. By sabotaging the speed at which the
centrifuges ran, Stuxnet destroyed many of the fragile machines, possibly
setting back Iran’s nuclear program.

Gibney’s film is one part detective story and relies heavily on interviews
with Eric Chien and Liam O’Murchu, the Symantec researchers who did much of
the early work in trying to understand Stuxnet’s function after it escaped
onto the open internet. In trying to humanize a story about ones and zeros,
Gibney turned to nerd sleuths Chien and O’Murchu to explain just what the
virus was intended to accomplish. Their excitement and despair in trying to
learn Stuxnet’s secrets provides the film with much of its emotional core.

As Chien and O’Murchu chronicle their journey through Stuxnet’s complex
structure — it’s probably the most advanced computer virus ever seen —
sequences of its actual code speeds along the screen — in an aesthetic that
recalls *The Matrix*.

The film credibly makes the case that the science-fiction future of warfare
has arrived. In reporting the film, Gibney and co-producer Javier Botero
talked to a variety of anonymous sources within the U.S. intelligence and
military establishments and then combined those interviews into a composite
character, a digitally rendered actress who speaks to the audience as if
she were being interviewed.

It’s a clever trick for a filmmaker working with sources terrified of being
prosecuted — or being stripped of their security clearances and losing the
prospect of lucrative private sector jobs. The typical approach to
anonymous sources in a documentary film relies on a heavily backlit
interview with a subject whose voice has been digitally altered. It’s a
dated approach that can be confusing when dealing with multiple subjects.

The composite digital character also serves Gibney’s argument about
transparency. “The entire conceit of it was a comment on this
over-obsession of secrecy,” Gibney said.

The Obama administration has prosecuted a record number
<http://foreignpolicy.com/2013/06/22/meet-the-seven-men-obama-considers-enemies-of-the-state/>
of
government employees under the Espionage Act for speaking to the media,
which has had a chilling effect on the work of reporters trying to bring
classified information into the open. Hiding his sources behind this
digital veil shows “the extreme lengths that we’ve been pushed to tell the
story,” Gibney said.

The use of the composite character has its problems. It is impossible to
evaluate the origin of the information Gibney’s sources provide, and
requires the viewer to put an enormous amount of trust in the filmmaker.
Crucially for the film’s integrity, Gibney reveals at the film’s end that
the source is a composite.

That “source” provides what is the film’s most gripping revelation: a far
more extensive — and mind-bending — plan than Stuxnet for cyberwar against
Iran.

As Obama sought a rapid means for striking Tehran, his generals and spies
came back with a plan dubbed “Nitro Zeus.” It envisioned American
operatives infiltrating Iranian computer networks to disable parts of the
Iranian power grid, take down its air defenses, and strike its
communications systems. The plan deployed thousands of U.S. personnel to
penetrate Iranian networks and install the computer code necessary to carry
out the attack. Nitro Zeus presented Obama with “a way to turn off critical
elements of the Iranian infrastructure without firing a shot,” the New York
Times reported
<http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/17/world/middleeast/us-had-cyberattack-planned-if-iran-nuclear-negotiations-failed.html>
.

The use of such weapons in conflicts between states will only increase in
the 21st century. Late last year, hackers shut down
<http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/01/08/did-russia-knock-out-ukraines-power-grid/>
power
in a section of western Ukraine, leading Kiev to accuse Moscow of mounting
a cyberattack. In recent months, U.S. officials have described
<http://www.cnn.com/2016/04/13/politics/robert-work-cyber-bombs-isis-sucks/>
dropping
“cyber bombs” on Islamic State operatives in Syria.

But Gibney persuasively makes the case that these weapons and their
implications remain poorly understood. Taking down a power grid through
hacking is far easier than bringing it back, and the knock-on effects of
such an attack are difficult to predict before it takes place.

Moreover, the use of such weapons exists in a legal gray area. “Precisely
how the law of war applies to cyber operations is not well-settled, and
aspects of the law in this area are likely to continue to develop,
especially as new cyber capabilities are developed and States determine
their views in response to such developments,” according
<http://archive.defense.gov/pubs/law-of-war-manual-june-2015.pdf> to the
most recent version of the Pentagon’s law of war manual, published in June
2015.

Nonetheless, cyber war is here to stay — it’s simply too attractive a tool
of statecraft. At the tail end of the President George W. Bush’s second
term, Iran ramped up its nuclear program. But bogged down in two wars and
dogged by his false allegations of Iraqi WMD development, Bush had few
tools with which to counter Tehran. Meanwhile in Israel, Prime Minister
Benjamin Netanyahu grew livid at American inaction and threatened to strike
Iranian nuclear facilities. Had he done so, the operation would all but
certainly have dragged the United States into war with Iran.

But instead, and by joining with Israel to attack Iran with Stuxnet, the
United States reassured its ally and perhaps even headed off outright war.

Gibney’s film effectively weaves together these political and technological
threads to show how scientific advances have remade war in the 21st
century. This transformation has occurred, Gibney argues, without
equivalent progress in human institutions, to borrow a phrase from Obama,
the man who has overseen the American revolution in cyberwar.


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