I'm guessing you feel the same about "Stop and frisk", right?

On Thursday, July 14, 2016 at 2:19:43 PM UTC-4, MJ wrote:
>
>
> 14 July 2016
>
> *The Broken Windows Theory of Policing Has Failed *Ryan McMaken
>
> [*This is Part Three of a three-part series on policing. See Part One 
> <https://mises.org/blog/too-many-laws-why-police-encounters-escalate> and 
> Part Two 
> <https://mises.org/blog/why-we-get-more-policing-we-need-its-free>.*]
>
> One of the most successful ideological movements waged by government 
> agencies in recent decades has been the so-called Broken Windows theory 
> <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Broken_windows_theory#cite_note-28>of 
> policing. Popularized in the 1980s by George Kelling, the theory states 
> that if minor violations are ignored ­ such as the breaking of a window on 
> private property ­ then those small infractions will act as a signal to 
> others in the community that more serious crimes can be committed with 
> impunity. 
>
> In political and policing circles, this theory became immensely popular 
> during the 1990s and persists today, although repeated demonstrations of 
> the forceful and deadly methods used by police to address small-time 
> infractions has prompted many to ask if coming down hard on every little 
> thing is really the best way to police a neighborhood. 
>
> While Kelling successfully reinvigorated the idea, the Broken Windows 
> theory in the 1980s, was not new or novel. It was simply the latest 
> manifestation of what has also been termed "community policing" and "order 
> maintenance" policing. 
>
> At their core, these ideas taken together depend on the idea that police 
> interactions with community members should be expanded well beyond criminal 
> activities while giving police officers more discretion over what laws to 
> enforce, and when. 
>
>
>
> *Two Views: Community Policing vs. Limited Policing *Community policing 
> and order maintenance policing have long been in tension with competing 
> views of policing in which the police should be more limited in their role 
> and focused more on serious and violent crime. 
>
> Not surprisingly, as police agencies took shape for the first time in the 
> United States in the nineteenth century, many Americans took the view that 
> policing should be limited in scope. 
>
> In his essay "Community Policing in the United States," Jack Greene notes 
> <https://books.google.com/books?id=llwVRc9YBYMC&pg=PA55&lpg=PA55&dq=the+American+police+service+was+originally+cast+as+a+reactive+force,+not+as+a+preventive+of+interdicting+force+...+America%27s+police+were+to+provide+assistance+on+request,+not+to+proactively+intervene+in+the+lives+of+the+community&source=bl&ots=wR6ryESz2M&sig=Pt6eVtUerDvNF6qEtpggCclWmjQ&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwi17rTup_PNAhUowYMKHQx5DWAQ6AEIJzAB#v=onepage&q=the%20American%20police%20service%20was%20originally%20cast%20as%20a%20reactive%20force%2C%20not%20as%20a%20preventive%20of%20interdicting%20force%20...%20America%27s%20police%20were%20to%20provide%20assistance%20on%20request%2C%20not%20to%20proactively%20intervene%20in%20the%20lives%20of%20the%20community&f=false>
>  
> that "the American police service was originally cast as a reactive force, 
> not as a preventive of interdicting force ... America's police were to 
> provide assistance on request, not to proactively intervene in the lives of 
> the community." (See more 
> <https://www.ncjrs.gov/criminal_justice2000/vol_3/03g.pdf> from Greene on 
> four different policing models.)
>
> It was recognized that more police power and more police discretion to 
> initiate interactions with the public would lead to corruption. The 
> coercive and monopolistic power that comes with government policing brings 
> the ability to demand compliance and resources from the public for personal 
> advantage, and the advantage of state institutions. The best safeguard, 
> early skeptics of policing concluded, was to carefully limit police power. 
>
> It did not take long for the skeptics to be proven right. 
>
> Greene continues: 
>
> The police of the late 19th and early 20th century were unlikely to be 
> seen as extension of "the community." More often, they were viewed by 
> citizens as extension fo corrupt politicians or as criminal enterprises. 
> While charged with enforcing the laws, the early American police were not 
> often lawful ­ the law was neither a means not and ends for the police. 
> Rather, the law was often selectively invoked for political, administrative 
> or corrupt purposes. 
>
> Not surprisingly, many reformers attempted to reduce police corruption 
> then by seeking "to control in detailed ways the actions of the police." 
> Reformers suspected that police who were given discretion to enforce a wide 
> variety of laws according to their own judgment were more prone to use the 
> law enforcement system for personal purposes, whether for outright 
> extortion, or to improve one's own career prospects. 
>
> The reformers were successful, to a certain extent, at pushing through a 
> more "professional" model of policing in the twentieth century. The new 
> model of professionalism put distance between police officers and the 
> community. The community was engaged for purposes of crime fighting, and 
> police focused on emphasizing their role in combating dangerous criminals. 
> It's not a coincidence that this new model of professionalism manifests 
> itself by the middle of the twentieth century in popular culture through 
> fictional characters like Joe Friday of the long-running Dragnet franchise 
> about the Los Angeles police department. Friday is distant from the 
> community, professional, straitlaced, efficient, and interested only in 
> facts. 
>
> Reformers sought to professionalize the police as part of an effort to 
> distance the police from the political machinery of the time, thinking this 
> would reduce police corruption. This may have been helpful, although the 
> corrupting nature of law enforcement monopolies continued, as one might 
> expect. 
>
> The problem of police corruption was hardly solved in the decades 
> following these initial reforms. Greene continues: 
>
> Early studies of the American police in the 1950s and 1960s did not 
> necessarily support a benign biew of the public law enforcement or of its 
> agents. More often, the police were found: to use excessive violence toward 
> personal ends; to punish non-respect with arrest; to be socially and 
> politically cynical; and to be rooted in local customs and traditions, 
> despite years of reform efforts. Later studies in the 1970s suggested that 
> the preventive capacity of the police was largely mythical, that rapid 
> response was largely ineffective, and that detective work was largely 
> overrated, generally by detectives themselves."
>
> Calls for a more explicit return to "community policing" came in the 1960s 
> and 1970s with significant increases in street crime and social unrest in 
> the United States. It was thought that if the police would engage the 
> community in a variety of ways beyond mere crime fighting, then this would 
> defuse racial tensions and other socio-economic conflicts apparent within 
> urban communities. 
>
> Thus, by the early 1980s, when Kelling and James Q. Wilson wrote this 
> influential essay 
> <http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1982/03/broken-windows/304465/> 
> in The Atlantic explaining the basics of the Broken Windows theory, they 
> were able to portray community policing as something new that might address 
> the failures of older models of policing. 
>
>
>
> *Broken Windows Theory Has Often Been Abused and Misapplied *It's 
> important to note, though, that the vision of Kelling and Wilson was not 
> the crude model of policing that is used today under the label or the 
> Broken Windows theory. (What is used today is often a hybrid of the Broken 
> Windows model and the "zero-tolerance" model.)
>
> Kelling had always advocated a soft approach to policing in which arrests 
> and summonses were only one tool of many employed by the police. In 
> Kelling's vision, effective community policing had to be done on foot, and 
> the police officer relied largely on his personality and his relationships 
> with the community to maintain order. The officer was in no position to use 
> overwhelming force against community members or retreat into an armored 
> vehicle. Kelling writes: 
>
> An officer on foot cannot separate himself from the street people; if he 
> is approached, only his uniform and his personality can help him manage 
> whatever is about to happen. And he can never be certain what that will be 
> ­ a request for directions, a plea for help, an angry denunciation, a 
> teasing remark, a confused babble, a threatening gesture.
>
> The philosophy of order maintenance employed by Kelling rested on the idea 
> that frequent use of violence on the part of the officer (i.e., tasing and 
> arresting members of the community) would be counter to the entire point of 
> community policing and order maintenance. 
>
> Modern policing done in the name of the Broken Windows theory, however, 
> relies largely on summonses, citations, arrests, and physical violence to 
> enforce laws against any number of minor infractions including carrying 
> knives, selling loose cigarettes, smoking a joint, jaywalking, and other 
> "offenses" that should be regarded as completely non-criminal. 
>
> In spite of Kelling's original intentions, Broken-Windows-style policing 
> has come to mean rigid and aggressive enforcement of small-time violations. 
>
> What Kelling might consider "abuse" is now often the norm, when it comes 
> to the practical application of the theory. In fact, the Broken Windows 
> theory in many communities has been used to justify legal regimes built 
> largely on extracting large amounts of resources from working class and 
> lower class neighborhoods in the form of fines, court fees, and other legal 
> costs. 
>
> In Ferguson, Missouri, for example, where a jaywalking intervention led to 
> the shooting death of Michael Brown, it was revealed that the city of 
> Ferguson was in the habit of issuing unusually large numbers of citations 
> and fines 
> <http://www.npr.org/2014/08/25/343143937/in-ferguson-court-fines-and-fees-fuel-anger>
>  
> for non-violent violations. The city then arrested citizens who did not pay 
> the fines, putting them in what are effectively debtors prisons. 
>
> This tactic has been used elsewhere as well. In a recent 
> <http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/article/the-problem-with-broken-windows-policing/>
>  
> Frontline analysis 
> <http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/article/the-problem-with-broken-windows-policing/>,
>  
> the author noted similar practices have been employed in Newark, New Jersey 
> where so-called "blue summonses" have been liberally issued throughout the 
> community.
>
>
>
> *Broken-Windows Theory As an Excuse for More Heavy-Handed Policing *This, 
> however, is what we would expect from a police force that enjoys immunity, 
> monopoly powers, and is far more heavily armed than the general population. 
> Why engage in the Kelling model of community policing when it is far more 
> lucrative ­ and requires far less patience and risk ­ to simply arrest or 
> open fire upon anyone who shows "disrespect"? 
>
> In both the Ferguson and Newark caes, the Broken Windows model was been 
> used to justify more citations and arrests, but, as the Frontline report 
> notes: "the frequent stops and citations made people mistrust the police, 
> and much less likely to cooperate when officers were investigating serious 
> crimes."
>
> Enforcement of small-times crimes thus may harm police efforts to catch 
> serious criminals. Nor does enforcement of low-level offenses mean that 
> people likely to commit serious crime are even being targeted. In the case 
> of Newark, for example, large percentages of summonses were going to people 
> who were "in their 50s or 60s or maybe even older." 
>
> People over fifty are not the people committing serious crimes. But, older 
> residents have been easy targets for police, so it is they who receive the 
> citations.
>
> This disconnect between real crime and petty offenses is not sufficient to 
> dissuade police officers and police departments from continuing to crack 
> down on small-time offenders. After all, there are career incentives for 
> making large numbers of arrests and issuing large numbers of citations. In 
> the case of Newark, "officers who racked up summonses were chosen for plum 
> assignments" while officers also targeted the easier-to-victimize 
> populations such as the elderly, disabled, and mentally ill. 
>
> Trends like these have long been shaped by police department policy which 
> rewards police officers who take a harsh stance against minor offenses, 
> while police to focus on more serious crime are less often rewarded. Police 
> Historian David Simon writes 
> <https://www.themarshallproject.org/2015/04/29/david-simon-on-baltimore-s-anguish#.5XEsoVeev>:
>  
>
>
> How do you reward cops? Two ways: promotion and cash. That's what rewards 
> a cop. If you want to pay overtime pay for having police fill the jails 
> with loitering arrests or simple drug possession or failure to yield, if 
> you want to spend your municipal treasure rewarding that, well the cop 
> who’s going to court 7 or 8 days a month ­ and court is always overtime pay 
> ­ you're going to damn near double your salary every month. On the other 
> hand, the guy who actually goes to his post and investigates who's 
> burglarizing the homes, at the end of the month maybe he’s made one arrest. 
> It may be the right arrest and one that makes his post safer, but he's 
> going to court one day and he's out in two hours. So you fail to reward the 
> cop who actually does police work. 
>
> Naturally, local governments also have a lot to gain from demanding fines 
> and payments for court costs from defendants. 
>
>
>
> *Does It Reduce Serious Crime? *Politicians have long embraced the Broken 
> Windows theory and assumed that order-maintenance policing reduces all 
> types of crime. The evidence does not warrant such an assumption. 
>
> In Policing in America, Larry Gaines and Victor Kappeler conclude flatly 
> <https://books.google.com/books?id=m1ougd3lwwsC&pg=PA429&dq=there+is+little+proof+that+order+maintenance+policing+impacts+serious+violent+crime&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjyvfnFqvPNAhXl5oMKHV6YDhUQ6AEIHjAA#v=onepage&q=there%20is%20little%20proof%20that%20order%20maintenance%20policing%20impacts%20serious%20violent%20crime&f=false>
>  
> "there is little proof that order maintenance policing impacts serious 
> violent crime," although there is evidence that it reduces the incidence of 
> lesser offenses.  
>
> The theory nevertheless remains popular. The poster child for the Broken 
> Windows theory is usually presented as New York City where many have noted 
> a significant improvement in crime during the 1990s. This is then credited 
> to the aggressive enforcement of laws against a variety of minor offenses. 
> Ignored, of course, is the fact that New York experienced historic levels 
> of economic growth during this period and that crime nationwide declined 
> significantly over the same period 
> <https://mises.org/blog/fbi-us-homicide-rate-51-year-low>. Numerous large 
> cities throughout the United States during this period experienced similar 
> trends in the absence of similar police policies. 
>
> In an article 
> <https://dash.harvard.edu/bitstream/handle/1/3226951/Sampson_SystematicSocialObservation.pdf?sequence=2>
>  
> in the American Journal of Sociology, Robert Sampson and Stephen Raudenbush 
> deny there is a proven link between "public disorder" and crime. ("Public 
> disorder" includes activities such as vagrancy, prostitution, drinking in 
> public, and drug selling.) The authors conclude socio-demographic issues 
> and physical neighborhood characteristics are far more important to the 
> equation: "Attacking public disorder through tough police tactics may thus 
> be a politically popular but perhaps analytically weak strategy to reduce 
> crime."
>
> Some of the confusion over the effectiveness of community policing stems 
> from inexact use of definitions of crime. If one defines drug selling and 
> prostitution as "crimes" then harsh penalties against those "crimes" will 
> tend to lessen them. On the other hand, if one limits the definition of 
> "crime" to violence, theft, destruction of property and other acts with a 
> specific identifiable victim ­ as one should ­ then we find it much more 
> difficult to connect public disorder to real crime. 
>
> In evaluating the success of community policing, one must also evaluate 
> the side effects of more aggressive enforcement. Police shootings, violent 
> confrontations and civil unrest must all also be factored into claims that 
> community policing has improved conditions within a community. There is 
> also evidence that incarcerating people for small infractions makes them 
> more likely to commit crimes later. Because incarceration can have long 
> term affects on one's ability to earn a living through legal means, 
> researcher Michael Mueller-Smith concluded 
> <http://www.columbia.edu/%7Emgm2146/incar.pdf> "incarceration led to 
> increased criminality for inmates after re-entry."
>
>
>
> *Community Policing Is More About Politics than Crime Reduction *By 
> mentioning politics in their conclusions, Sampson and Raudenbush may have 
> hit on the true reason for the popularity of the Broken Windows theory. 
> Although it has not been shown to reduce serious crime, the theory remains 
> politically popular and allows politicians to claim they are being active 
> in punishing and preventing crime. 
>
> Even Kelling admitted that order maintenance policing often cannot be 
> shown to reduce crime, but it remains valuable, in Kelling's view, for 
> other reasons. The key, Kelling notes, lies in the fact that a neighborhood 
> can be "'safer' when the crime rate has not gone down." This is because 
> when the Broken Windows theory is employed, people will often feel safer in 
> spite of the reality. Now, feeling safer is not the same thing as being 
> safer, but the claim is that order maintenance policing is important 
> because it improves "quality of life" and perceptions of the community. 
>
> At this point then, Kelling ­ and backers of the Broken Windows theory in 
> general ­ have been reduced to admitting that when used for order 
> maintenance, police are really quality-of-life agents and not crime 
> fighters at all. 
>
> Faced with this, then, we must ask ourselves if the same people who are 
> trained to capture rapists and murders with deadly weapons need to be the 
> same people who shoo away aging drunks who engage in public drinking. 
>
> There is good reason to suspect the private sector could easily provide 
> these services. As Murray Rothbard has noted 
> <https://mises.org/blog/privatize-police>, order maintenance at the 
> street level is low-hanging fruit as far as private-sector security goes, 
> with merchants and other community members highly motivated to pool private 
> resources to keep the streets clear of people who impede commerce and 
> restrict use of public spaces. Indeed, this sort of order maintenance can 
> be ­ and has been ­ accomplished quite easily in privately-owned public 
> spaces such as common areas of housing developments and multifamily housing 
> complexes, shopping malls, parking lots, amusement parks, downtown plazas, 
> outdoor food courts, and similar areas. This sort of security is carried 
> out daily by private security worldwide. (See Tate Fegley on this topic 
> <https://mises.org/library/tate-fegley-crime-and-punishment-libertarian-society>,
>  
> as well.) Moreover, these neighborhood-controlled agents would be 
> answerable to the local owners and residents, and not to centralized 
> political machines, police chiefs, or other government agents who stand to 
> benefit personally from aggressive enforcement. 
>
> The reason we see so little of this in practice, though, is the fact that 
> the public sector has already crowded out the private sector in matters of 
> order maintenance. Since one can easily access (at least in theory) 
> taxpayer-subsidized police services via 911, there is an enormous incentive 
> to rely on "free" police services, even if those services are more likely 
> to bring the possibility of violence, abuse, or unreliable service. Why 
> employ private agents to tell drug dealers to find some other street corner 
> when the police will show up (eventually) and do it for free?
>
>
>
> *Community Policing Expands State Power and Discretion*Early critics of 
> police agencies were right when they immediately identified the downside of 
> active community policing: It gives police agents wide discretion to take 
> action against the general population, while increasing opportunities for 
> coercive intervention in the lives of private citizens. A police force that 
> is encouraged and empowered to intervene in any number of non-violent 
> activities by citizens is also a police force that has wide leeway to 
> extort, threaten, arrest, and assault private citizens over any number of 
> small-time "transgressions" that don't rise to the level of crime. 
>
> Many "fixes" have been offered for the problem of police corruption and 
> abuse. As early reformers knew, though, the only truly reliable way to 
> reduce corruption and needlessly violent police interactions is to reduce 
> police discretion and to reduce the number and scope of laws that police 
> are called upon to enforce. "Community policing" or "order maintenance" are 
> really just another way of describing a large expansion of police power.
>
> So long as police forces enjoy monopoly powers, and are subject to 
> political, rather than market control, the only way to minimize the 
> potential for police abuse is to minimize their legal reach. If Americans 
> as a society want government police who will be tasked with finding 
> murderers and rapists, they also need to understand that these tasks do not 
> necessitate a police force that spends its days citing local residents for 
> broken tail lights and drinking a beer in public. Giving police wide 
> latitude to be aggressive against the population in the name of order 
> maintenance, on the other hand, is likely to breed resentment, suspicion, 
> and obstacles to enforcing laws against more serious crimes. It's time to 
> admit that the Broken Windows theory is failed and the answer lies in 
> limiting police powers, not in expanding them. 
>
>
> https://mises.org/blog/broken-windows-theory-policing-has-failed 
>

-- 
-- 
Thanks for being part of "PoliticalForum" at Google Groups.
For options & help see http://groups.google.com/group/PoliticalForum

* Visit our other community at http://www.PoliticalForum.com/  
* It's active and moderated. Register and vote in our polls. 
* Read the latest breaking news, and more.

--- 
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups 
"PoliticalForum" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email 
to [email protected].
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.

Reply via email to