In 2007, when Congress asked the Bush administration for emails surrounding 
the firing of eights U.S. attorneys, Attorney General Alberto Gonzales 
revealed that many of the emails requested could not be produced because 
they were sent on a non-government email server.  The officials had used 
the private domain gwb43.com, a server run by the Republican National 
Committee. Two years later, it was revealed that potentially 22 million 
emails were deleted, which was considered by some to be a violation of the 
Presidential Records Act.

The shocking truth about the last two Republican secretaries of state has 
finally come out: Colin Powell and aides to Condoleezza Rice trafficked in 
classified information on their personal email accounts. This is an 
enormous scandal!

Oh, wait. No, it’s not.

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This news involving Powell and Rice is meaningless except that it sets up a 
rational conversation (finally) about the Hillary Clinton bogus 
“email-gate” imbroglio. Perhaps the partisans on each side will now be more 
willing to listen to the facts. From the beginning, the “scandal” about 
Clinton using a personal email account when she was secretary of 
state—including the finding that a few documents on it were retroactively 
deemed classified—has been a big nothing-burger perpetuated for partisan 
purposes, with reports spooned out by Republicans attempting to deceive or 
acting out of ignorance. Conservative commentators have raged, presidential 
candidates have fallen over themselves in apoplectic babbling, and some 
politicians have proclaimed that Clinton should be in jail for mishandling 
classified information. The nonsense has been never-ending, and attempts to 
cut through the fog of duplicity have been fruitless.

But Powell and Rice’s aides did nothing wrong. (I’m going to focus on them 
so that partisans who say Clinton broke the law have to attack respected 
Republicans first.) Start with this: Powell and Rice, like all modern 
secretaries of state, each had at least two email accounts—one personal and 
the other for communications designated as highly classified *at the time 
of their creation* . For classified information, both of them—and their 
aides with appropriate clearance—had a sensitive compartmented information 
facility, or what is known in intelligence circles as a SCIF. Most senior 
officials who deal with classified information have a SCIF in their offices 
and their homes.

These are not just extra offices with a special lock. Each SCIF is 
constructed following complex rules imposed by the intelligence and defense 
communities. Restrictions imposed on the builders are designed to ensure 
that no unauthorized personnel can get into the room, and the SCIF cannot 
be accessed by hacking or electronic eavesdropping. A group called the 
technical surveillance countermeasures team (TSCM) investigates the area or 
activity to check that all communications are protected from outside 
surveillance and cannot be intercepted.

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Most permanent SCIFs have physical and technical security, called TEMPEST. 
The facility is guarded and in operation 24 hours a day, seven days a week; 
any official on the SCIF staff must have the highest security clearance. 
There is supposed to be sufficient personnel continuously present to 
observe the primary, secondary and emergency exit doors of the SCIF. Each 
SCIF must apply fundamental red-black separation to prevent the inadvertent 
transmission of classified data over telephone lines, power lines or signal 
lines.

I could keep going for thousands and thousands of words explaining the 
security measures used for SCIFs. And all of this— *all *of this—is 
designed to protect the confidentiality of emails and communications 
determined to be classified at the time of transmission.

In addition to the classified email system used in SCIFs, there are 
personal email accounts. Prior to 2013, these could be accounts inside the 
relatively unsecure State Department system or private email accounts. If 
they are private—running through a commercial or personal server—they have 
to follow some rules set up in the *Federal Register* . There are no 
guards, no red-black procedures, no construction rules, no special rooms, 
no TEMPEST, no TSCM. And most important: Until 2013, there was no rule 
against using them. In fact, the rules specifically allowed for them. Check 
out the relevant section in the Code of Federal Regulations (36 CFR Chapter 
XII, Subchapter B, section 1236.22b) for the rules regarding the use of 
personal email accounts by any State Department official.

To give an idea of *how *insecure these communications could be, Powell’s 
personal email is an AOL account, and he used it on a laptop when he 
communicated with foreign officials and ambassadors, unless the information 
qualified for a SCIF. (Clinton sent only one email to a foreign dignitary 
through her personal account, and her communications with ambassadors were, 
for the most part, by phone.)

So did Powell and the aides to Rice violate rules governing classified 
information, since the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) staff has recently 
determined that some of their years-old personal emails contain top-secret 
material? No. The rules regarding the handling of classified information 
apply to communications designated as secret *at that time* . If documents 
that aren’t deemed classified, and aren’t handled through a SCIF when they 
are created or initially transmitted, are later, in retrospect, deemed 
secret, the classification is new—and however the record was handled in the 
past is irrelevant.

There is also an enormous difference between a secretary of state sending 
an email to someone inside the department and that same email being 
released to the general public. Put simply, as anyone who has filed a 
request for a document under the FOIA knows, not every email or other item 
can be handed out, even if it was not originally deemed to be so 
confidential that it required SCIF procedures. The determination of what 
State Department documents can be publicly released is handled by the FOIA 
staff, both in the State Department and, when deemed appropriate, by 
officials with the same duties in the intelligence community. In fact, the 
entire issue right now regarding the emails of every secretary of state 
concerns which ones can be released under the FOIA. People outraged by the 
(false) belief that Powell and Rice’s aides broke the law are creating a 
fantasy world where every official email, no matter its content, must go 
through a SCIF just in case the FOIA staff eventually determines, sometime 
in the future and applying different standards, that the information in the 
email should not be released to the public under a FOIA request out of 
classification concerns. Given the cumbersome procedures of using a SCIF, 
that would mean the secretary of state would have to spend a lot of time 
sitting inside a locked box and sending emails not yet designated as 
containing secret information, solely to avoid the partisan gnashing of 
teeth that could potentially occur if someday the FOIA staff were to 
retroactively decide they should not be released to the public out of 
classification concerns.

Which brings us to the next most important issue here: classification. 
Members of Congress should—and probably do—know this, but the public 
apparently doesn’t. Just because the FOIA staff decides a document is top 
secret doesn’t mean it contains information of any import. (It’s widely 
known that, even in the creation of a document, the government 
over-classifies information, meaning communications are deemed secret that 
don’t need to be, but that’s another issue.) The FOIA staff is supposed to 
be extra-cautious when releasing a document to the public. As I mentioned 
in a previous column, that is why anyone wanting to obtain a document 
should file multiple FOIA requests for the information—one staffer might 
deem something secret that another staffer releases without concern. In 
fact, if someone were to submit a FOIA request for every email in the State 
Department that has been sent over a system without the extreme protections 
reserved for information determined to be top secret on creation, there is 
no doubt that the FOIA staff would call many of the emails classified and 
refuse the request.

Plus, both Powell and Rice had the authority, granted by President George 
W. Bush through executive order, to classify and declassify any document 
created by the State Department. So if either of them had received an email 
from another agency containing information that had not gone through a 
SCIF, he or she could have independently declared that it did not need to 
be secret and sent it along to anyone they chose.

In other words, just because the FOIA staff years later labeled emails sent 
from Powell and Rice’s aides as classified does *not *mean those records 
contain some crown jewels of critical intelligence. In fact, usually they 
are quite benign. I have seen emails called “top secret” that contained 
nothing more than a forwarded news article that had been published. (The 
Associated Press has reported that one of Clinton’s “secret” emails 
contains an AP article.)

Then there is the issue of servers. Where did Powell and Rice’s staff have 
their servers? Who knows, and who cares? Maybe they were private with 
special security and no public access. Or maybe they were just an AOL 
server. Whichever it was, they would be just as open to hacking as the 
State Department servers. In fact, the State Department general email 
system has been hacked multiple times, with terabytes of information 
improperly downloaded in 2006 alone. There has been no indication that the 
email accounts of either Powell or Rice’s staff were compromised.

Powell may have made one mistake in all this. He has said he never backed 
up his emails or printed them out; that was necessary to comply with some 
of the preservation rules detailed in the *Federal Register*. Of course, 
that doesn’t mean they can’t be recovered, since the FOIA staff is now 
reviewing his emails.

The bottom line: Democrats may try to turn the revelations about the email 
accounts used by Powell and Rice’s staff into a scandal. They may release 
press statements condemning the former secretaries of state; they may call 
for scores of unnecessary congressional hearings; they may go to the press 
and confidently proclaim that crimes were committed by these honorable 
Republicans. But it would all be lies. Powell and Rice did nothing wrong. 
This could be considered a scandal only by ignorant or lying partisans.

So there is no Powell or Rice email scandal. And no doubt, that will 
infuriate the Republicans who are trying so hard to trick people into 
believing Clinton committed a crime by doing the exact same thing as her 
predecessors.

On Tuesday, July 19, 2016 at 1:34:02 PM UTC-5, Perplexed wrote:
>
>
> http://dailycaller.com/2016/07/19/hillary-admits-email-scandal-hurt-her/
>
> OMG there is simply no end to this woman's lies!
>
> She actually claims at the end she did nothing more than previous 
> Secretaries of State had done and blamed it on her subordinates. She also 
> claims that Comey clarified remarks in his testimony to Congress that she 
> seems to think resulted in him saying she wasn't "extremely careless".
>
> How can democrats vote for such a deluded, lying POS???
>

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