These pro-Clinton ex-Republicans are sick and disgusting.


B





http://warontherocks.com/2016/08/averting-the-coming-republi
can-foreign-policy-brain-drain/



*Averting the Coming Republican Foreign Policy Brain Drain*

Russell Wald <http://warontherocks.com/author/russell-wald/>

August 10, 2016

   -

In November of 1979, Jeane Kirkpatrick published her famous piece,
“Dictatorships
and Double Standards.”
<https://www.commentarymagazine.com/articles/dictatorships-double-standards/>
The foreign policy essay’s argument — endorsing U.S. support for
non-communist authoritarian regimes — was controversial, but what truly
captured national attention was the author: President Carter’s foreign
policy was being skewered not by a Republican, but by a life-long *Democrat*.
Kirkpatrick would become a celebrated stalwart of Republican foreign policy
and later became Ronald Reagan’s first ambassador to the United Nations.

Kirpatrick’s shift from liberal Democrat to card-carrying Republican was
not an outlier moment. It exemplified a turning point in history, where
liberal Democrats abandoned their party to become Republicans — most of
them neoconservatives. Throughout the late 1970s, Democratic foreign policy
intellectuals such as Paul Wolfowitz
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ujpn37ZUmB0>, Elliott Abrams
<http://conversationswithbillkristol.org/video/elliott-abrams/>, and others
formally aligned themselves with the Republican party. And notably, in 1982
a young fellow at Stanford University, Condoleezza Rice switched her party
affiliation from Democrat to Republican
<https://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P2-544048.html> after disillusionment from
the Carter Administration’s foreign policy. One president’s foreign policy
turned off a generation of experts, leaving Democrats with a stagnate
security establishment for well over a decade.

A similar future awaits the Republican party, due to the political upheaval
of today. The rise of Donald Trump has shaken the core of the Republican
foreign policy
<http://time.com/4417297/donald-trump-foreign-policy-republican/>
establishment. Trump’s undisciplined foreign policy thinking has been
apparent throughout the presidential campaign, sending worrisome signals
internationally to long-standing allies. Trump’s positions have so
disfranchised the Republican national security community, the threat of a
permanent exodus of many of these professionals is very real.

A foreign policy novice, Trump has articulated positions that run counter
to traditional Republican ideals. Throughout the presidential campaign, he
has advocated a populist position on trade that is tantamount to
protectionism
<http://money.cnn.com/2016/07/22/news/economy/donald-trump-speech-trade-rnc/>.
He has proposed nuclear proliferation, going so far as to suggest Japan and
South Korea provide their own security as he folds up the U.S. nuclear
umbrella
<http://www.cbsnews.com/news/donald-trump-japan-south-korea-might-need-nuclear-weapons/>.
Trump has encouraged war crimes that include the bombing of terrorists’
families <http://time.com/4132368/donald-trump-isis-bombing/> and the open
use of waterboarding, the latter not just for enhanced interrogation but
instead as acts of retribution
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-politics/wp/2015/11/23/donald-trump-on-waterboarding-if-it-doesnt-work-they-deserve-it-anyway/>.
He has proposed banning Muslims from entering the United States
<https://www.donaldjtrump.com/press-releases/donald-j.-trump-statement-on-preventing-muslim-immigration>
in a way that is counterproductive in the fight against ISIL and threatens
relationships with allies such as Jordan and Turkey. Trump has also
questioned the utility of NATO and threatened to leave members of this
decades old alliance out to dry if they don’t pay what he sees as their
“fair share.”
<http://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/21/us/politics/donald-trump-issues.html>
Overall, Trump has displayed a fundamental lack of understanding of the
basic principles of international relations.

For these sins against established foreign policy principals, a slew of
Republican foreign policy experts and intellectuals have disparaged the
policies Trump espouses, some publicly proclaiming they will be voting for
another candidate.

Statesmen such as Robert Gates
<http://www.politico.com/story/2016/05/robert-gates-donald-trump-foreign-policy-223193>,
Brent Scowcroft, and Richard Armitage
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-politics/wp/2016/06/22/brent-scowcroft-endorses-clinton-for-president/>,
have either questioned Trump’s temperament for office, or have gone so far
as to publicly say they will vote for Hillary Clinton in the Fall. While
their comments resonate within the Republican national security
establishment, with an average age of 78, these men have already held
senior positions within government and are in the sunset of their careers.
More troubling to the Party should be the grave declarations of their
Republicans who would, in a normal presidential administration, hold
appointee positions throughout the ranks, from rising stars to senior
figures still in their prime.

In an open letter
<http://warontherocks.com/2016/03/open-letter-on-donald-trump-from-gop-national-security-leaders/>
published last March here at *War on the Rocks*, 121 self-proclaimed,
“members of the Republican national security community,” declared their
strong opposition to Trump’s candidacy. The scathing post stated Trump was
“fundamentally dishonest,” and went so far as to label him a “racketeer,”
for his insistence allies pay for their protection. Since the open letter,
the disdain from the foreign policy community for Mr. Trump has only become
louder. “The only thing Donald Trump has done since I signed that letter
has been to confirm beyond the shadow of a doubt that he is unfit to be
commander in chief,”
<http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2016/06/30/gop-national-security-experts-are-readyforher.html>
proclaimed Tufts University professor Dan Drezner. George Mason University
professor Colin Dueck told *The Washington Examiner* in May, “When I said
‘never Trump,’ I meant it.”
<http://www.washingtonexaminer.com/conservative-national-security-experts-still-against-trump/article/2590354>

This week, in another open letter
<http://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/09/us/politics/national-security-gop-donald-trump.html>,
50 senior Republican national security officials including former CIA
Director Michael Hayden, former Director of National Intelligence John
Negroponte, and former Secretaries of Homeland Security Michael Chertoff
and Tom Ridge described their conviction that a Trump, “would be the most
reckless President in American history.”
<http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2016/08/08/us/politics/national-security-letter-trump.html>

Equally shocking has been the chorus of Republican security experts that
have said that not only will they not vote for Trump but will instead
openly support Hillary Clinton. It was reported in June that Kori Schake, a
former George W. Bush administration official, will be voting for Clinton
<http://www.politico.com/story/2016/06/kori-schake-vote-hillary-clinton-224841>.
Philip Levy, another Bush official said, “If Secretary Clinton is the only
viable alternative, I would expect to support her.”
<http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2016/06/30/gop-national-security-experts-are-readyforher.html>

The assumption that after a humiliating defeat by Trump at the ballot box
these intellectuals and practitioners will comfortably return to the Party
is naïve at best. The fire that Trump set has grown into an inferno that
overwhelms the security establishment. Like Jeane Kirkpatrick and the early
neoconservatives, Republicans stand to lose a generation of intellectuals
and practitioners skilled in global affairs. Given the massive loss of the
best and brightest, the future portends a steep brain drain within
Republican foreign policy establishment, for at least three reasons.

First, irrespective of which candidate wins in November, some of Trump’s
positions have been baked into the party. For example, the Republican
platform
<https://prod-static-ngop-pbl.s3.amazonaws.com/media/documents/DRAFT_12_FINAL%5b1%5d-ben_1468872234.pdf>
substantially watered down language that would have supported Ukraine with
arms in its fight against Russia, which was strongly advocated for by the
Republican foreign policy establishment (as well as by many Democrats out
of government). Free-trade, a centerpiece of Republican policy, is now
threatened by the populist divisions stoked by Trump. Also, note that the
runner up during the Republican primary, was Sen. Ted Cruz, whose policies,
if not isolationist, are at least isolation-ish and run counter to the
activist Republican model that has been dominant for at least the last two
decades. Indeed, there may be an irreparable divide between the Republican
voter bloc and the party’s foreign policy intellectuals in a way that
raises serious questions about whether there is a viable place for them
anymore in the party, even if Trump is vanquished.

Second, unlike domestic policy, a position in the executive branch at some
point in your career is generally required to be instrumental in foreign
policy. For nearly eight years, Republicans have been sitting on the
sidelines as opportunities to be policy engaged have slipped them by.
Anyone hedging their bets can see a high likelihood that Republicans may
not have control of foreign policy for 16 years or more. Congressional and
think tank layover jobs may not be enough to tie over hungry policy experts
that want some skin in the game. Nor would switching parties require a
major sacrifice of core principles for many of the Republican Party’s
foreign policy intellectuals, at least as far as their policy area of focus
is concerned.

While Trump has challenged the fundamentals of what it means to be a
Republican, for domestic policy experts, the Republican Party is still the
only viable option. But the same cannot be said for their national security
counterparts. Try to envision a trickle-down economist, or a pro-school
choice activist, leaving the Republican Party and establishing a new base
in the Democratic Party. Conversely, national security is a far more
bipartisan proposition. Foreign policy thinkers in both parties generally
agree that an aggressive Russia or a belligerent North Korea is bad for
American interests. And on issues like the rise of China, nuclear posture
and proliferation, and international trade, there is a great deal of
consensus between the two parties’ foreign policy mandarins. Consequently,
Republican foreign policy advisors very well may find the Democratic party
to be a tolerable place for them to land.

Lastly, Hillary’s hawkish worldview is no secret
<http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/07/27/hillary-the-hawk-a-history-clinton-2016-military-intervention-libya-iraq-syria/>.
A Hillary Clinton administration will not, as some argue, be an extension
of the Obama foreign policy that has so troubled many Republican and
Democratic national security experts.

As secretary of state, Clinton recommended a plan to more aggressively arm
the Syrian rebels
<http://www.wsj.com/articles/hillary-clintons-legacy-at-state-dept-a-hawk-with-clipped-wings-1401503364>
fighting the Assad regime, a policy that Obama was late to and has never
fully embraced. Prior to departing the State Department, Clinton called for
a much more assertive response towards Russian belligerence
<http://www.wsj.com/articles/hillary-clintons-legacy-at-state-dept-a-hawk-with-clipped-wings-1401503364>.
When Vice President Joe Biden was toying with the possibility of jumping
into the 2016 race, Clinton boasted her recommendation for a special forces
operation
<http://www.nytimes.com/politics/first-draft/2015/08/03/osama-bin-laden-raid-be-issue-in-biden-clinton-contest/>
to kill or capture Bin Laden in his compound in Abbottabad, Pakistan,
whereas Biden recommended the less risky choice of aerial bombing. Both
Clinton and then U.N. Ambassador Susan Rice pressed Obama to use force
against the Gaddafi regime in Libya
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/sf/national/wp/2016/02/03/2016/02/03/a-tough-call-on-libya-that-still-haunts/>
to protect civilians. Republicans who favor a more assertive approach to
national security, and critical of Obama’s approach, could find an
accommodating home in a Hillary Clinton White House.

All of this of course assumes a Trump loss. However, if he were to win, it
would be quite difficult for the anti-Trump policy experts to walk back the
scathing comments they have made about him and join his administration.
Former George W. Bush Pentagon official Michael Vickers properly described
the conundrum, “[T]rump has so alienated Republican national security
professionals that he will likely have great difficulty attracting top
advisers to staff his administration were he to be elected.”
<http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/07/2016-national-security-military-defense-commander-in-chief-test-trump-clinton-214104>
Prominent Republican foreign policy expert and co-founder of Project for
New American Security Robert Kagan described Trump as, “[S]imply and quite
literally an egomaniac.”
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/this-is-how-fascism-comes-to-america/2016/05/17/c4e32c58-1c47-11e6-8c7b-6931e66333e7_story.html?hpid=hp_no-name_opinion-card-b%3Ahomepage%2Fstory>
Max Boot, coincidentally the Jeane J. Kirkpatrick Senior Fellow at the
Council on Foreign Relations, went so far as to say, “I would sooner vote
for Josef Stalin than I would vote for Donald Trump.”
<http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/03/us/politics/anti-donald-trump-republicans-call-for-a-third-party-option.html?mtrref=query.nytimes.com>
The establishment has clearly burned the bridge behind them. An exodus of
the best and brightest from the Republican foreign policy establishment is
very real and potentially devastating.

While numerous Democrats should be cheering at the looming possible brain
drain on the right, the misfortune of their competitors would not just be
bad for the Republican Party. It would be bad for the entire country. A
healthy opposition party allows for a more informed republic. As the United
States navigates an uncertain and treacherous world
<http://warontherocks.com/2016/02/a-clear-eyed-focus-on-our-interests-a-guide-for-the-next-president/>,
a diverse and thoughtful foreign policy establishment is vital to the
security of the nation. No party should have a monopoly on national
security.

While Republicans may feel dispirited by their current identity crisis, for
the good of the nation, they must begin to correct this situation before
November. Trump may or may not be present on the political scene after
November, however, it is likely that Speaker of the House Paul Ryan and
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell will be. As the Congressional
leaders of the Republican Party, it is incumbent for Ryan and McConnell to
stop the hemorrhaging. Although it is being drowned out in the noise of
this raucous campaign season
<http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/06/paul-ryan-has-a-plan-but-no-one-is-listening/487661/>,
Ryan has developed a comprehensive national security plan
<http://abetterway.speaker.gov/_assets/pdf/ABetterWay-NSTF-PolicyPaper.pdf>
that comports with a more conventional Republican security strategy.
Establishing buy-in to Ryan’s proposal amongst the policy community should
be a top priority.

There are two distinct policy positions within Ryan’s proposal that the
Republican foreign policy establishment wholeheartedly embraces, but sets
them apart from the Trump faction and Democrats. First, Ryan’s plan calls
for arming Ukraine with lethal force against Russian insurgents, something
the Trump campaign went so far as to have changed within the Republican
Party platform.
<http://www.latimes.com/world/la-na-pol-ukraine-gop-20160720-snap-story.html>
Second, is the vehement opposition to the Iran nuclear deal, which Clinton
helped pave the way for and supports. Highlighting these unique policy
differences, particularly the Iran deal, will be crucial to retaining a
robust foreign policy establishment in the ranks of the Republican Party.

The rise of populism is generally a failure of elected officials to
properly represent the interests of their constituents or to appropriately
explain why particular agendas are needed. To fix the gap between the
Republican voting bloc and the national security establishment, Republican
leaders need to open up a national dialogue on the virtues of certain
foreign policies. Ryan and McConnell should expand the national dialogue
appropriately explain why they believe free trade is necessary, and what
benefits the United States gains by participating in the international
system. They are the bridge between the Republican base and intellectuals
that support the party.

Finally, there is nothing more powerful than face time. Ryan and McConnell
can make their 2017 a whole lot easier by privately convening the Never
Trump foreign policy establishment before November to assure them their
voice is needed, the ideology of the party is and will remain focused on a
traditional Republican Party, and they will still have a home with
Republicans irrespective of November’s outcome.

For the past year the Republican Party has been faced with the dilemma of
Donald Trump and questioned its overall identity. Like how Jeane
Kirkpatrick and the neoconservative intellectuals fled the Democratic party
in the late 1970s, Republican’s today face a similar fate and brain drain
that could last nearly a generation regardless of whether Trump becomes
president. If Republican’s are to avoid this fate, sensible and urgent
action is required from senior Republican leaders in Congress to assure
their foreign policy establishment that the Republican party will continue
to champion their ideas and remain a home for them.




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