http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/08/16/present-at-the-creation/

*Present at the Creation*

*The never-told-before story of the meeting that led to the creation of
ISIS, as explained by an Islamic State insider.*



*Since its creation, we have learned about the Islamic State from its
enemies. Its story has largely been told by those fighting the group in
Iraq and Syria, traumatized civilians who have escaped its brutal rule, and
the occasional defector. That is about to change. This is the story of Abu
Ahmad, a Syrian operative for the Islamic State who witnessed the group’s
lightning expansion firsthand and spent months among its most notorious
foreign fighters. *

*In this series of three articles, he provides unique insight into how Abu
Bakr al-Baghdadi’s political scheming paved the way for the Islamic State’s
expansion into Syria, al Qaeda’s efforts to stem the group’s rise, and the
terrifying weapons in the arsenal of the self-proclaimed “caliphate.” Some
names and details have been omitted to protect Abu Ahmad. Read part two
here <http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/08/16/present-at-the-creation/>. *
------------------------------

Abu Ahmad never hesitated in his embrace of the Syrian uprising. Born in a
northern Syrian city to a conservative and religious Sunni Arab family, he
was a student when the revolt began in March 2011, and joined the protests
against President Bashar al-Assad from day one.

“With excitement in our hearts we saw [the uprising in] Egypt happening,
followed by the revolution in Libya,” he said. “We hoped the wind of change
would not pass our country.”

When the uprising became a full-fledged civil war by mid-2012, Abu Ahmad
decided to take up arms and fight. He joined a jihadi-leaning rebel group,
whose members were mostly Syrians but also included some foreign fighters
from Europe and Central Asia. The composition of the brigades was in flux
then — every couple of months, Abu Ahmad’s group would either change its
name or unite with other jihadi rebels. But then the groups began to
consolidate: In Spring 2013, Abu Ahmad chose to side with the Islamic State
of Iraq and the Levant when it officially expanded into Syria, as tensions
escalated between the jihadi group and the Nusra Front. The group would go
on to proclaim itself a worldwide caliphate in June 2014, assuming the name
“Islamic State” to reflect its global ambitions. To this day, Abu Ahmad is
a serving member in the organization, with unique insight into the group’s
behavior and its history.

Over the course of our more than 15 meetings with Abu Ahmad, we questioned
him intensively about his knowledge of the jihadi group and his bona fides
as one of the “soldiers of the caliphate.” Over a period of 10 months, we
spent more than 100 hours with him. He patiently answered our questions on
everything from how he ended up with the Islamic State, how the
organization is organized, and the identity of the European foreign
fighters within the group. Our interviews would go on for six hours a day,
in week-long stretches.

Abu Ahmad took a great personal risk in talking to us. Because he is still
with the Islamic State, we had to deliberately obscure some details about
his life to protect his identity.

Abu Ahmad agreed to speak to us, he explained, for several reasons.
Although he is still with the Islamic State, he doesn’t agree with
everything the outfit does. He is attracted to the organization because he
views it as the strongest Sunni group in the region. However, he is
disappointed that it “has become too extreme,” blaming it for doing such
things as crucifying, burning, and drowning its opponents and those who
violate its rules.

For example, Abu Ahmad objected to a punishment that the Islamic State
implemented in the northern Syrian city of al-Bab, where it put a cage in
the middle of the city center, known as Freedom Square, to punish Syrian
civilians guilty of minor crimes, such as selling cigarettes. The group,
Abu Ahmad said, imprisoned Syrians in the cage for three days at a time,
hanging a sign around their neck stating the crime that they had committed.

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“Now the square is known as the Punishment Square,” he said. “I think this
kind of harsh punishment is bad for us. It is making ISIS more feared than
liked by Sunnis, which is not good at all.”

In the past, Abu Ahmad said, he had hoped the Islamic State would become
“jihadi unifiers,” capable of bringing Sunni jihadis together under one
banner. He admired the foreign fighters whom he knew, mainly young men from
Belgium and the Netherlands who had traveled to Syria to fight jihad. They
had all lived in rich and peaceful countries, and while tens of thousands
of Syrians had paid large sums of money to be smuggled to Europe to escape
the war, these jihadis voluntarily traveled in the exact opposite direction.

“These foreigners left their families, their houses, their lands and
traveled all the way to help us here in Syria,” Abu Ahmad said. “So to
support us they are truly sacrificing everything they have.”

But Abu Ahmad would soon sour on aspects of the jihadi group. First, the
Islamic State has not brought jihadis together; on the contrary, tensions
have risen with other groups, and he worried that “the rise of ISIS led to
the breakup with the Nusra Front and the weakening of unified jihadi forces
in Syria.”

Secondly, while some of the foreign fighters were men who led truly
religious lives in Europe, he discovered another group that he took to
thinking of as the “crazies.” These were mostly young Belgian and Dutch
criminals of Moroccan descent, unemployed and from broken homes, who lived
marginal lives in marginal suburbs of marginal cities. Most of these
crazies had no idea about religion, and hardly any of them ever read the
Quran. To them, fighting in Syria was either an adventure or a way to
repent for their “sinful lives” in Europe’s bars and discos.

There was Abu Sayyaf, a jihadi from Belgium, who often talked about
beheadings. He once asked his emir, Abu al-Atheer al Absi, if he could
slaughter somebody. “I just want to carry a head,” Abu Sayyaf said. Locally
he was known as *al-thabah, *or “the slayer.”

In war, the first victim is often the truth. The stories Abu Ahmad told us
were so incredible, and so close to the seat of the Islamic State’s power,
that we were determined to put his assertions to the test.

In order to do so, we set up a quiz for Abu Ahmad. He said that he knew
many of the Dutch and Belgian fighters who had joined the Islamic State, so
we prepared a list with roughly 50 photographs of jihadis from those
countries who are known to have left for Syria. During a meeting with Abu
Ahmad, we asked him to identify the men in the pictures.

Abu Ahmad’s answers confirmed that he had extensive knowledge about the
European jihadis fighting for the Islamic State. In front of us — without
access to the internet and with no outside help — Abu Ahmad went through
the images, and correctly identified roughly 30 of the jihadis by name. In
most cases, he would add some anecdotes about the fighter. For the other
pictures, he said that he had not seen the people and did not know their
names.

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A behind-the-scenes photograph supplied by Abu Ahmad showing an Islamic
State execution in the city of Palmyra.

Abu Ahmad showed us private photos and videos on his laptop of some Dutch,
Belgian, and Central Asian fighters in Syria, which are not posted online.
The only way that he could have had these images was through deep, personal
experience within the jihadi community.

Abu Ahmad also proved that he had behind-the-scenes access to some of the
Islamic State’s most spectacular acts of violence. After the jihadi
group captured
Palmyra in 2015, Abu Ahmad paid a visit to the desert city to witness a *Game
of Thrones*-like setting for executions of the group’s opponents. One day
in July 2015, two Islamic State members from Austria and Germany executed
two people who they claimed were Syrian Army soldiers on the ancient city’s
great colonnade. This was one of many executions in Palmyra; on July 4, the
Islamic State released a video showing the bloody spectacle of teenage
fighters executing 25 alleged Syrian soldiers in the city’s amphitheater.

Weeks before the official Islamic State video of the gruesome executions by
the German and Austrian fighters went online, Abu Ahmad supplied us with a
picture of the execution. The photograph not only shows the two prisoners
moments before they are killed, but also shows two members of the Islamic
State’s media unit capturing the horror scene. Never has the group
published such a “behind-the-scenes” picture of one of its executions; it
is not available online. The picture supplied by Abu Ahmad is truly unique
— secretly taken by an insider.

Remarkably, one of the two cameramen in the photograph is Harry Sarfo, a
German citizen who traveled to Syria to join the Islamic State. He said he
subsequently became disillusioned with the group and fled back to Germany,
where he is currently imprisoned. The New York Times profile
<http://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/04/world/middleeast/isis-german-recruit-interview.html>
of Sarfo claims that Islamic State members told Sarfo “to hold the group’s
black flag and to walk again and again in front of the camera” as they
filmed a propaganda video. The photograph supplied by Abu Ahmad, however,
contradicts the narrative that Sarfo played a passive role in this
production: While the video only shows him holding the black flag, the
photograph shows that he was one of the two cameramen filming the killers
who are about to execute the two Syrians.

Abu Ahmad has not just watched the growing war between Syria’s jihadis from
afar — he witnessed its beginning up close. The split between the Nusra
Front and the Islamic State was one of the most epochal events of the
Syrian war; it resulted in a massive divide within the anti-Assad ranks and
signaled the rise of a new jihadi force, led by Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, that
has come to overshadow al Qaeda.

Abu Ahmad had a front-row seat to how the jihadi world’s biggest divorce
unfolded.

Islamic State leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi delivers a sermon during Friday
prayer at a mosque in Mosul on July 5, 2014. (Photo by Al-Furqan
Media/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images)

The caravan of the caliphate

In mid-April 2013, Abu Ahmad noticed a dark red-brown car pull up in front
of the headquarters of Majlis Shura al-Mujahideen (MSM), a Syrian jihadi
group led by Abu al-Atheer, in the northern Syrian town of Kafr Hamra.

One of Abu Ahmad’s friends, a jihadi commander, walked up to him and
whispered in his ear: “Look carefully inside the vehicle.”

The car was nothing special: not new enough to attract attention but not a
jalopy, either. It wasn’t armored and it did not have a license plate.

Inside the vehicle sat four men. Abu Ahmad recognized none of them. The man
sitting behind the driver wore a folded black balaclava like a cap. On top
of it was a black shawl, falling over his shoulders. He had a long beard.
Except for the driver, all occupants held small machine guns on their laps.

[image: Description: PQ_doorn_2-2]

Abu Ahmad could see that there was no extra security at the gate of the
headquarters. As usual, just two armed fighters stood guard in front of the
entrance. The internet connection at the headquarters was working normally.
To him, there didn’t seem to be any sign that today was different from any
other day.

But after the four men got out of the car and disappeared into the
headquarters, the same jihadi commander walked up to him again and
whispered “You have just seen Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi.”

Since 2010, Baghdadi had been the leader of the Islamic State of Iraq
(ISI), al Qaeda’s affiliate in that war-torn country. According to
Baghdadi’s own account, he sent Abu Muhammad al-Jolani as his
representative to Syria in 2011, instructing him to set up the Nusra Front
to wage jihad there. Until the beginning of 2013, ISI and Nusra worked
together. But Baghdadi wasn’t satisfied. He wanted to combine al Qaeda’s
Iraqi and Syrian affiliates to create one outfit that stretched across both
countries — with him, of course, as the leader.

Every morning, for five days in a row, the red-brown car dropped off
Baghdadi and his deputy, Haji Bakr, at the headquarters of MSM in Kafr
Hamra. Before sunset, the same car with the same driver would pick them up
from the headquarters and take Baghdadi to a secret location for the night.
The next morning, the car would come back to drop off Baghdadi and Bakr.

Over the course of those five days, inside the headquarters of MSM,
Baghdadi talked extensively to a group of important jihadi leaders in
Syria. These were some of the world’s most wanted men, all gathered in one
room, sitting on mattresses and pillows on the ground. They were served
breakfast and lunch: roasted or grilled chicken and french fries, tea, and
soft drinks to wash it down. Baghdadi, the most wanted man in the world,
drank either Pepsi or Mirinda, an orange-flavored soda.

In addition to Baghdadi, the participants included Abu al-Atheer, the emir
of MSM; Abu Mesaab al-Masri, an Egyptian jihadi commander; Omar al
Shishani, a leading Chechen jihadi who had come to Syria from Georgia; Abu
al-Waleed al-Libi, a jihadi leader from Libya who had come to Syria; Abed
al-Libi, an emir in the Libyan Katibat al-Battar group; two Nusra
intelligence chiefs; and Haji Bakr, Baghdadi’s second in command.

Abu Ahmad was fascinated by the congregation of so many senior commanders.
During breaks in the talks, he would walk around the headquarters, speaking
to people who attended the meeting. Abu Ahmad was full of questions: Why
did Baghdadi come from Iraq to Syria? Why did all these commanders and
emirs meet with him? And what was so important that Baghdadi himself
discussed for days on end?

The answer to Abu Ahmad’s questions could be found in a speech made by
Baghdadi, shortly before the Kafr Hamra meeting. On April 8, 2013, Baghdadi
announced that his organization had expanded into Syria. All jihadi
factions there — including Nusra — had to submit to his control. “So we
declare while relying on Allah: The cancellation of the name Islamic State
of Iraq and the cancellation of the name Jabhat al-Nusra, and gathering
them under one name, the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham,” he intoned
<https://archive.org/stream/AndGiveGladTidingsToTheBelievers/And%20Give%20Glad%20Tidings%20to%20the%20Believers_djvu.txt>
.

“The sheikh is here to convince everybody to abandon Jabhat al-Nusra and
al-Jolani,” one of the participants in the talks told Abu Ahmad. “Instead,
everybody should join him and unite under the banner of ISIS, which soon
will become a state.”

The Islamic State's fighters in Syria (from left to right): Abu al-Atheer,
Abu Ahmad’s “emir”; Abu Shishan al-Belgiki, a Belgian citizen of Chechen
origin; Abu Tamima, a French jihadist; and Omar al-Shishani, an infamous
Chechen jihadist who rose to be one of the top commanders in the
organization.

The al Qaeda allegiance lie

Baghdadi, however, faced one big problem in realizing his goal. The
assembled emirs explained to the ISI chief that most of them had sworn
allegiance to Ayman al-Zawahiri, Osama bin Laden’s chosen successor and the
leader of al Qaeda. How could they suddenly abandon Zawahiri and al Qaeda
and switch to Baghdadi?

According to Abu Ahmad, they asked Baghdadi during the meeting: Have you
pledged allegiance to Zawahiri?

Baghdadi told them that he had indeed pledged allegiance, but hadn’t
declared it publicly, per Zawahiri’s request. But Baghdadi assured the men
that he was acting under the command of the al Qaeda leader.

The jihadi leaders had no way to check if this claim was true. Zawahiri was
perhaps the most difficult person in the world to contact — he had not been
seen in public in years, and is still in hiding, most probably somewhere in
Pakistan or Afghanistan.

With Zawahiri unable to mediate the dispute himself, the jihadi leaders had
to make up their own minds. If Baghdadi acted on behalf of Zawahiri, there
was no doubt they had to follow the order to join ISIS. But if Baghdadi was
freelancing, his plan to take over Nusra and other groups was an act of
mutiny. It would divide al Qaeda and create *fitna*, or strife, between all
the jihadi armies.

So the commanders gave Baghdadi a conditional allegiance. “They said to
him: ‘If it is true what you are saying, then we will support you,’” Abu
Ahmad told us.

Baghdadi also spoke about the creation of an Islamic state in Syria. It was
important, he said, because Muslims needed to have a *dawla*, or state.
Baghdadi wanted Muslims to have their own territory, from where they could
work and eventually conquer the world.

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The participants differed greatly about the idea of creating a state in
Syria. Throughout its existence, al Qaeda had worked in the shadows as a
nonstate actor. It did not openly control any territory, instead committing
acts of violence from undisclosed locations. Remaining a clandestine
organization had a huge advantage: It was very difficult for the enemy to
find, attack, or destroy them. But by creating a state, the jihadi leaders
argued during the meeting, it would be extremely easy for the enemy to find
and attack them. A state with a defined territory and institutions was a
sitting duck.

Abu al-Atheer, the MSM emir, had already told his fighters before the
arrival of Baghdadi that he was very much against declaring a state. “Some
people are talking about this unwise idea,” Atheer told his men. “What kind
of madman declares a state during this time of war?!”

Omar al-Shishani, the leader of the Chechen jihadis, was equally hesitant
about the idea of creating a state, said Abu Ahmad. There was a reason why
Osama bin Laden had been hiding all these years — to avoid getting killed
by the Americans. Declaring a state would be an open invitation to the
enemy to attack them.

Despite the hesitation of many, Baghdadi persisted. Creating and running a
state was of paramount importance to him. Up to this point, jihadis ran
around without controlling their own territory. Baghdadi argued for
borders, a citizenry, institutions, and a functioning bureaucracy. Abu
Ahmad summed up Baghdadi’s pitch: “If such an Islamic state could survive
its initial phase, it was there to stay forever.”

Baghdadi had another persuasive argument: A state would offer a home to
Muslims from all over the world. Because al Qaeda had always lurked in the
shadows, it was difficult for ordinary Muslims to sign up. But an Islamic
state, Baghdadi argued, could attract thousands, even millions, of
like-minded jihadis. It would be a magnet. “Baghdadi and other jihadi
leaders,” said Abu Ahmad, “would compare this to Prophet Muhammad’s
migration, or *hijrah*, from Mecca to Medina to escape prosecution.”

The assembled jihadi leaders extensively discussed how a state would
function, how it would deal with its population, what its aim would be, and
its stance toward religious minorities.

After days of talking, every participant — including initial skeptics
Atheer, Shishani, and the two Nusra Front intelligence officials — agreed
with Baghdadi’s plan. The only condition they wanted from him was this: The
newly created state must be declared in full cooperation with Nusra and
Ahrar al-Sham, another jihadi rebel group. Baghdadi agreed to these terms.

The next step was, on the spot, to pledge allegiance.

One by one they stood in front of Baghdadi, shaking his hand and repeating
the following words: “I pledge my allegiance to the Emir of the Faithful,
Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi al-Qurashi, for compliance and obedience, in vigor and
impulsion, abjectness and abundance, and in favoring his preference to
mine, and not contending the orders of his trustees, unless I witness
manifest disbelief.”

Then Baghdadi asked each commander to bring in some of his fighters. Abu
al-Atheer, the MSM commander, invited Belgian, Dutch, and French fighters
who were under his command to the occasion. Among the foreigners who
personally met Baghdadi and pledged allegiance were Abu Sayyaf, known as
“the slayer”; Abu Zubair, a Belgian jihadi; Abu Tameema al-Fransi, a French
jihadi killed in July 2014; and Abu Shishan-al-Belgiki, a handsome blond
jihadi with a Chechen background wanted in Belgium, his home country, for
possible participation in beheadings.

Later that day, the Europeans — who until recently mostly had been
small-time criminals in Amsterdam, Brussels, or Paris — enthusiastically
told everybody how they pledged *bayah* to Baghdadi.

Many others followed suit. Our narrator, Abu Ahmad, would offer bayah two
days later to Abu al-Atheer.

The switch from ISI to ISIS meant that all groups or factions who had
joined ISIS would cease to exist in name. For the Nusra Front and its
leader, Abu Muhammad al-Jolani, this development was a potential disaster;
it could mean the end of their influence in the world’s most important
jihadi battleground. Jolani ordered Nusra fighters not to join ISIS but
wait until al-Zawahiri published a ruling on who should lead the jihad in
Syria.



Baghdadi’s new soldiers ordered the few remaining Nusra Front loyalists out
of the al-Oyoun Hospital, which had been until then the main Nusra base in
the city. “You must leave; we are from *al-dawla *[the state] and we hold a
clear majority among the fighters,” they told the Nusra men, according to
Abu Ahmad. “So this headquarters now belongs to us.”

Everywhere in northern Syria, ISIS seized Nusra headquarters, ammunition
caches, and weapons stores. Amazingly, al Qaeda’s affiliate in Syria was
suddenly fighting for its existence. A new age had begun — the age of the
Islamic State.




------------------------------
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