http://stupidfrogs.org/articles/think_you_know_how_bad_the_clintons_are.html



*Think You Know How Bad the Clinton's Are?*



By Jack Cashill
AmericanThinker.com

"The White House is like a subway. You have to put in coins to open the
gates."

Such were the immortal words of one Johnny Chung, who admitted to a Senate
committee in 1997 that he funneled $100,000 from the Chinese military to
the Democratic National Committee.  In the Clinton White House, it was pay
to play all the way.  That either Bill or Hillary had a political life
after their treasonous run on Asian piggy banks is a testament to the ever
escalating corruption of the American media.

The White House honcho who made the subways run on time – no shock here –
was Hillary Clinton.  It was she who convened the secret meeting with
adviser Dick Morris in the White House treaty room a month after the
Democrats' historic drubbing in November 1994.  Blamed for the debacle, the
Clintons were running for their political lives.  To preserve those lives
would take huge amounts of money, much of it, if not most, raised and spent
illegally.

"The president and his top advisors took control of the DNC and designed a
plan to engage in a historically aggressive fund-raising effort, utilizing
the DNC as a vehicle for getting around federal election laws," the U.S.
Senate Committee on Governmental Affairs, also known as the Thompson
Committee, reported in March 1998.  "The DNC ran television advertisements,
created under the direct supervision of the president."

The deepest pockets the Clintons plundered belonged to the Riadys, an
ethnic Chinese family that worked out of Indonesia.  The Thompson Committee
cited any number of large-scale Riady joint ventures in China, their
principal partner in the People's Republic being an enterprise called China
Resources, "a company wholly-owned and operated by the PRC government."
 The Riadys had invested in Bill Clinton back in Arkansas and bailed him
out during the 1992 primary campaign.  As payback, they were allowed to put
their man John Huang in the Commerce Department.

And what were Huang's talents?  A letter sent by an Asian outreach advocate
on the stationery of the then-president pro tem of the California state
Senate was frank to a fault: "John is the Riady family's top priority for
placement because he is like one of their own."  The Riady family, in case
anyone needed reminding, "invested heavily in the Clinton campaign."  To
some, those were credentials enough.

Huang's actual work was icing on the cake. The Thompson Committee makes
this striking admission: "[a]lthough Huang's first day at Commerce was July
18, 1994, he was granted his first security clearance in January 1994."

Huang proved his worth in June 1994.  With Clinton crony Webster Hubbell on
the ropes after a scandal forced him out of his job in the Justice
Department, Huang arranged a $100,000 Riady payout to Hubbell.  This
occurred two days after Huang and James Riady met with the president in the
Oval Office and a week after Hillary met with Hubbell.  That payout – and
$300,000 more – helped buy Hubbell's silence.  Despite a ton of legal
pressure, he never talked.

It should have surprised no one that the Clintons would head for Indonesia
a week after the November 1994 debacle.  They saw it coming and planned
ahead.  Not only did the Clintons have to impress the Riadys on their own
home turf, but they also had to start squeezing the CEOs accompanying them
in a more systematic way.  It was about this time that the $100,000
donation to travel with the Clintons morphed from a discreet expectation
into the price of admission.

The Thompson Committee described what happened during the next two years.
 "The president and his aides demeaned the offices of the president and
vice president, took advantage of minority groups, pulled down all the
barriers that would normally be in place to keep out illegal contributions,
pressured policy makers, and left themselves open to strong suspicion that
they were selling not only access to high-ranking officials, but policy as
well."  This was business as usual for Bill and Hillary Clinton.  "Millions
of dollars were raised in illegal contributions," concluded the Thompson
Committee, " much of it from foreign sources."

Nothing the Clintons have done in the last thirty years matches the scope
of their treachery during this two-year period.  In the way of example,
among those who enjoyed an intimate "coffee" with the president was one
Wang Jun, chair of Poly Technologies, a company controlled by the People's
Liberation Army.  One of Poly Technologies' profit centers was satellite
production.  Another was the "importation and distribution of
semi-automatic rifles for the U.S. domestic market."  Between 1987 and
1993, the company and its affiliates sold more than $200 million's worth of
these guns in the United States.  Clinton pal Charlie Trie had greased the
Wang Jun meeting with a $50,000 payment.

To the president's humble credit, as the Thompson Committee would later
report, Clinton did admit that the meeting with Wang Jun was "clearly
inappropriate."  The president did not apologize, however, for signing
waivers for four more satellite launches by Chinese rockets on that same
February 1996 day.  The president approved these waivers despite reports
the month before that China continued to export nuclear technology to
Pakistan and missiles to Iran, the latter deal suspected of being brokered
by Wang Jun.

Just a week or so after Wang Jun's excellent Washington adventure, a
Chinese Long March 3B rocket carrying the Loral-built Intelsat 708
satellite crashed just after liftoff and killed or injured at least sixty
people in a nearby village.  This was the third Long March failure in the
previous three years involving U.S.-built satellite payloads.

Loral CEO Bernard Schwartz, the largest single donor to the Clinton
campaign, dispatched a Loral-led review team to China to assess the
February 1996 failure of the Long March 3B rocket and suggest refinements.
The Cox Committee would later describe Schwartz's actions as "an unlicensed
defense service for the PRC that resulted in the improvement of the
reliability of the PRC's military rockets and ballistic missiles."  The
White House pulled serious strings to prevent Schwartz from being
prosecuted.

In the most outrageous deal of all, two months before the election, the
president "unilaterally" declared a new 1.7-million-acre national monument
in Southern Utah.  CNN's Wolf Blitzer did not shy from the implicit
controversy.  He reported that the people of Utah were "furious."  They
claimed that it was "a land grab" by the federal government "at the
economic expense of the state."

Blitzer raised the issue of coal, perhaps $1 trillion's worth of clean,
low-sulfur coal that would never be mined.  Blitzer, however, did not know
the deeper significance of the coal.  Clinton did.  Said the president of
this grand environmental gesture, "We can't have mines everywhere, and we
shouldn't have mines that threaten our national treasures."  No, not
everywhere, just in Indonesia.  In a stroke of the pen, Clinton had handed
the Riadys a monopoly on the world's supply of low-sulfur coal.

Although Blitzer did not make the connection, the FBI did.  As an FBI agent
observed after his interview with John Huang, "HUANG laughed in response to
questions concerning j. riady's interest in Utah coal restrictions."

Huang and the Clintons and their cronies are laughing still.  They have
convinced some healthy percentage of the Republican establishment that
making a crude comment eleven years ago is a greater sin than betraying
America for campaign cash.






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