A damning admission on the Georgian war
8 November 2008

The New York Times on Friday carried a front-page article headlined
“Accounts Undercut Claims by Georgia on Russia War.” The article cited
a report by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE), a multinational association of 56 member states whose monitors
were in Georgia when the fighting broke out, which demolishes the
official US account of the August 2008 Russian-Georgian war, according
to which the war was an act of Russian aggression.

The OSCE concluded that the conflict began on August 7 when US-trained
Georgian troops shelled Russian peacekeepers and civilians in the
capital of Georgia's breakaway province of South Ossetia, Tskhinvali.

According to Friday’s New York Times, “the accounts suggest that
Georgia's inexperienced military attacked the isolated separatist
capital of Tskhinvali on August 7 with indiscriminate artillery and
rocket fire, exposing civilians, Russian peacekeepers and unarmed
monitors to harm.” The newspaper added, “Georgian artillery rounds and
rockets were falling throughout the city at intervals of 15 to 20
seconds between explosions, and within the first hour of the
bombardment at least 48 rounds landed in a civilian area.”

After an initial bombardment around 6 PM on August 7, Georgian troops
declared a unilateral ceasefire, during which they apparently moved
rockets and artillery into better positions. At 11 PM, Georgia
announced that Russian troops were shelling Georgian villages in South
Ossetia and declared an operation to “restore constitutional order”
there.

OSCE monitors refuted Georgian claims that Georgian forces were
responding to a Russian attack. The Times wrote, “monitors have also
said they were unable to verify that ethnic Georgian villages were
under heavy bombardment that evening, calling to question one of
[Georgian President] Mr. Saakashvili's main justifications for the
attacks.”

The newspaper quoted ex-British army officer Ryan Grist, who was the
senior OSCE representative in Georgia when the war broke out, as
saying, “It was clear to me that the [Georgian] attack was completely
indiscriminate and disproportionate to any, if indeed there had been
any, provocation.”

As was explained later, particularly in the European press, Georgia
hoped to rapidly overrun South Ossetia and seize the Roki Tunnel, the
main transport corridor through the mountains separating Russia and
South Ossetia. In the case of a weak Russian response—the attack took
place with top Russian officials away at the Beijing Olympics—Georgia
could hope to present Russia with a fait accompli. In the event, the
Georgian offensive bogged down in Tskhinvali and Russia sent in
reinforcements, rapidly chasing Georgian troops out of South Ossetia.

US government and media reporting at the time turned reality on its
head, denouncing Russia in chorus for its “aggression.” As Russia sent
reinforcements to South Ossetia and expelled Georgian forces,
President Bush denounced Russia's response as “disproportionate.” Vice
President Dick Cheney said, “Russian aggression must not go
unanswered,” adding that its continuation would have “serious
consequences” for Russia’s relations with the United States.

In its August 12 editorial, the Times wrote, “Moscow claims it is
merely defending the rights of ethnic minorities in South Ossetia and
Abkhazia, which have been trying to break from Georgia since the early
1990s. But its ambitions go far beyond that. Prime Minister Vladimir
Putin [...] appears determined to reimpose by force and intimidation
as much of the old Soviet sphere of influence as he can get away
with.”

In its Friday article, the Times implied that the findings of the OSCE
was new information about which the newspaper was previously unaware.
However, its own account contradicts this self-serving depiction of
its role in spreading disinformation about the Georgian-Russian
conflict. The article notes that OSCE representative Grist last August
“gave a briefing to diplomats from the European Union that drew from
the monitors’ observations and included his assessments. He then soon
resigned under unclear circumstances.” There can be no doubt that the
Times (as well as the US government) was aware of Grist’s report soon
after it was given to EU officials.

The Times article concluded that the discrepancy between OSCE
testimony and the official position of the US government and media put
“the United States in a potentially difficult position. The United
States, Saakashvili's principal source of international support, has
for years accepted the organization's conclusions and praised its
professionalism.”

In fact, the OSCE report completely refutes the US line, which was
shot through with inconsistencies. While seeking to place the blame on
Russia, the US media also spread claims that Georgian forces had acted
without US knowledge—even though the US kept over 100 military
advisors in Georgia in the run-up to the invasion, which followed soon
after a major exercise with US forces entitled “Immediate Response
2008.”

Washington seized on the Russian-Georgian conflict to place missile
defenses and troops in Poland and the Czech Republic, raising the
specter of a direct military clash with Russia. It dismissed Russian
claims of Georgian aggression out of hand.

Republican presidential candidate John McCain telephoned Saakashvili
and told him, “Today we're all Georgians.” Then-Democratic candidate
Barack Obama issued a statement from Hawaii, where he was on vacation,
denouncing Russian “aggression.” Later, in ceremonies for the seventh
anniversary of the September 11, 2001 attacks, the candidates joined
forces to issue calls for “national service,” with Obama saying, “If
we are going to war, then all of us go, not just some.”

Definite political conclusions must be drawn from a situation that
created the potential for global war. First and foremost is the utter
unreliability of the US political establishment and media, which
expressed hardly any dissenting views, even as more critical accounts
emerged in the European press in sharp contradiction to their
accounts.

The prominence the New York Times gave to its account of the OSCE
report—the article was the front-page lead and continued to a full-
page article in the inside pages—suggests a deliberate operation to
prepare public opinion for a shift in US policy in the region. With
President-elect Obama committed to increasing the US military presence
in Afghanistan and the US facing a major economic recession, an
attempt seems to be underway to repair relations with Russia, possibly
at Saakashvili's expense.

In Tbilisi 10,000 protestors marched against Saakashvili yesterday,
marking the one-year anniversary of his violent repression of
demonstrations supporting rival nationalist Irakli Okruashvili.

The US also announced plans yesterday to open negotiations with Russia
over nuclear weapons and the controversial US nuclear missile defense
shield aimed at Russia. The talks would aim to revise the Strategic
Arms Reduction Treaty (START) and assuage “Moscow's growing opposition
to a US missile-defense system for Europe,” according to the Wall
Street Journal.

A State Department official told the Journal such negotiations would
not conclude under the Bush administration, but would rather “help get
the ball rolling” for President-elect Obama.

Alex Lantier

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