Its a real mess, This is what happens when you lose control and have no idea 
what the hell you are doing.

WASHINGTON — These are chaotic and anxious days inside the National Security 
Council, the traditional center of management for a president’s dealings with 
an uncertain world.
Three weeks into the Trump administration, council staff members get up in the 
morning, read President Trump’s Twitter posts and struggle to make policy to 
fit them. Most are kept in the dark about what Mr. Trump tells foreign leaders 
in his phone calls. Some staff members have turned to encrypted communications 
to talk with their colleagues, after hearing that Mr. Trump’s top advisers are 
considering an “insider threat” program that could result in monitoring 
cellphones and emails for leaks.
The national security adviser, Michael T. Flynn, has hunkered down since 
investigators began looking into what, exactly, he told the Russian ambassador 
to the United States about the lifting of sanctions imposed in the last days of 
the Obama administration, and whether he misled Vice President Mike Pence about 
those conversations. His survival in the job may hang in the balance.
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Although Mr. Trump suggested to reporters aboard Air Force One on Friday that 
he was unaware of the latest questions swirling around Mr. Flynn’s dealings 
with Russia, aides said over the weekend in Florida — where Mr. Flynn 
accompanied the president and Japan’s prime minister, Shinzo Abe — that Mr. 
Trump was closely monitoring the reaction to Mr. Flynn’s conversations. There 
are transcripts of a conversation in at least one phone call, recorded by 
American intelligence agencies that wiretap foreign diplomats, which may 
determine Mr. Flynn’s future.
Stephen Miller, the White House senior policy adviser, was circumspect on 
Sunday about Mr. Flynn’s future. Mr. Miller said on NBC’s “Meet the Press” that 
possibly misleading the vice president on communications with Russia was “a 
sensitive matter.” Asked if Mr. Trump still had confidence in Mr. Flynn, Mr. 
Miller responded, “That’s a question for the president.”
This account of life inside the council — offices made up of several hundred 
career civil servants who advise the president on counterterrorism, foreign 
policy, nuclear deterrence and other issues of war and peace — is based on 
conversations with more than two dozen current and former council staff members 
and others throughout the government. All spoke on the condition that they not 
be quoted by name for fear of reprisals.
“It’s so far a very dysfunctional N.S.C.,” Representative Adam B. Schiff of 
California, the senior Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, said in a 
telephone interview.
In a telephone conversation on Sunday afternoon, K. T. McFarland, the deputy 
national security adviser, said that early meetings of the council were 
brisker, tighter and more decisive than in the past, but she acknowledged that 
career officials were on edge. “Not only is this a new administration, but it 
is a different party, and Donald Trump was elected by people who wanted the 
status quo thrown out,” said Ms. McFarland, a veteran of the Reagan 
administration who most recently worked for Fox News. “I think it would be a 
mistake if we didn’t have consternation about the changes — most of the cabinet 
haven’t even been in government before.”
There is always a shakedown period for any new National Security Council, whose 
staff is drawn from the State Department, the Pentagon and other agencies and 
is largely housed opposite the White House in the Eisenhower Executive Office 
Building.
President Barack Obama replaced his first national security adviser, Gen. James 
Jones, a four-star former supreme allied commander in Europe, after concluding 
that the general was a bad fit for the administration. The first years of 
President George W. Bush’s council were defined by clashes among experienced 
bureaucratic infighters — Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld and Colin Powell among 
them — and by decisions that often took place outside official channels.
But what is happening under the Trump White House is different, officials say, 
and not just because of Mr. Trump’s Twitter foreign policy. (Two officials said 
that at one recent meeting, there was talk of feeding suggested Twitter posts 
to the president so the council’s staff would have greater influence.)
A number of staff members who did not want to work for Mr. Trump have returned 
to their regular agencies, leaving a larger-than-usual hole in the experienced 
bureaucracy. Many of those who remain, who see themselves as apolitical civil 
servants, have been disturbed by displays of overt partisanship. At an 
all-hands meeting about two weeks into the new administration, Ms. McFarland 
told the group it needed to “make America great again,” numerous staff members 
who were there said.
New Trump appointees are carrying coffee mugs with that Trump campaign slogan 
into meetings with foreign counterparts, one staff member said. And Mr. Miller 
was once allowed to act as chairman of a weekend meeting of the national 
security deputies, stunning career officials.
Nervous staff members recently met late at night at a bar a few blocks from the 
White House and talked about purging their social media accounts of any 
suggestion of anti-Trump sentiments.
Mr. Trump’s council staff draws heavily from the military — often people who 
had ties to Mr. Flynn when he served as a senior military intelligence officer 
and then as the director of the Defense Intelligence Agency before he was 
forced out of the job. Many of the first ideas that have been floated have 
involved military, rather than diplomatic, initiatives.
Last week, Defense Secretary Jim Mattis was exploring whether the Navy could 
intercept and board an Iranian ship to look for contraband weapons possibly 
headed to Houthi fighters in Yemen. The potential interdiction seemed in 
keeping with recent instructions from Mr. Trump, reinforced in meetings with 
Mr. Mattis and Secretary of State Rex W. Tillerson, to crack down on Iran’s 
support of terrorism.
But the ship was in international waters in the Arabian Sea, according to two 
officials. Mr. Mattis ultimately decided to set the operation aside, at least 
for now. White House officials said that was because news of the impending 
operation leaked, a threat to security that has helped fuel the move for the 
insider threat program. But others doubt whether there was enough basis in 
international law, and wondered what would happen if, in the early days of an 
administration that has already seen one botched military action in Yemen, 
American forces were suddenly in a firefight with the Iranian Navy.
Ms. McFarland often draws on her television experience to make clear to 
officials that they need to make their points in council meetings quickly, and 
she signals when to wrap up, several participants said.
And while Mr. Obama liked policy option papers that were three to six 
single-spaced pages, council staff members are now being told to keep papers to 
a single page, with lots of graphics and maps.
“The president likes maps,” one official said.
Paper flow, the lifeblood of the bureaucracy, has been erratic. A senior 
Pentagon official saw a draft executive order on prisoner treatment only 
through unofficial rumors and news media leaks. He called the White House to 
find out if it was real and said he had concerns but was not sure if he was 
authorized to make suggestions.
Officials said that the absence of an orderly flow of council documents, 
ultimately the responsibility of Mr. Flynn, explained why Mr. Mattis and Mike 
Pompeo, the director of the C.I.A., never saw a number of Mr. Trump’s executive 
orders before they were issued. One order had to be amended after it was made 
public, to reassure Mr. Pompeo that he had a regular seat on the council.
White House officials say that was a blunder, and that the process of reviewing 
executive orders has been straightened out by Reince Priebus, the White House 
chief of staff.
Still, Mr. Flynn presents additional complications beyond his conversations 
with the Russian ambassador. His aides say he is insecure about whether his 
unfettered access to Mr. Trump during the campaign is being scaled back and 
about a shadow council created by Stephen K. Bannon, Mr. Trump’s top 
strategist, who was made a member of the council two weeks ago. For his part, 
Mr. Bannon sees the United States as headed toward an inevitable confrontation 
with two adversaries — China and Iran.
Mr. Flynn finds himself in a continuing conflict with the intelligence 
agencies, whose work on Russia and other issues he has dismissed as subpar and 
politically biased. Last week, in an incident first reported by Politico, one 
of Mr. Flynn’s top deputies, Robin Townley, was denied the high-level security 
clearance he needed before he could take up his job on the council as the 
senior director for Africa.
It was not clear what in Mr. Townley’s past disqualified him, and in every 
administration some officials are denied clearances. But some saw the 
intelligence community striking back.
Two people with direct access to the White House leadership said Mr. Flynn was 
surprised to learn that the State Department and Congress play a pivotal role 
in foreign arms sales and technology transfers. So it was a rude discovery that 
Mr. Trump could not simply order the Pentagon to send more weapons to Saudi 
Arabia — which is clamoring to have an Obama administration ban on the sale of 
cluster bombs and precision-guided weapons lifted — or to deliver bigger 
weapons packages to the United Arab Emirates.
Several staff members said that Mr. Flynn, who was a career Army officer, was 
not familiar with how to call up the National Guard in an emergency — for, say, 
a natural disaster like Hurricane Katrina or the detonation of a dirty bomb in 
an American city.
At the all-hands meeting, Mr. Flynn talked about the importance of a balanced 
work life, taking care of family, and using the time at the council to gain 
experience that would help staff members in other parts of the government. At 
one point, the crowd was asked for a show of hands of how many expected to be 
working at the White House in a year.
Mr. Flynn turned to Ms. McFarland and, in what seemed to be a self-deprecating 
joke, said, “I wonder if we’ll be here a year from now?”

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