<https://worldview.stratfor.com/>

May 4, 2017 | 08:00 GMT

What Drives Terrorism Part 1: Ideology and Theory

By Scott Stewart <https://worldview.stratfor.com/people/189109>

VP of Tactical Analysis, Stratfor







What drives terrorism? It's a question asked by governments and
individuals, militaries and businesses. In an April 27 webinar
<http://lp.stratfor.com/soft-target-webcast-april-2017-recording> in which
Fred Burton and I discussed the evolution of terrorist threats toward soft
targets, we briefly discussed this very topic. Knowing what these
influential forces are is crucial to understanding how an attack is
conducted, placing it in context and, perhaps most important, anticipating
and even forecasting future changes in terrorism trends. Tactics and
tradecraft never stop changing, either: They are constantly evolving to
respond to external forces that enable, constrain and otherwise shape them.
And while the list may differ among experts, the main drivers the Stratfor
Threat Lens team tracks are ideology and terrorist theory, political and
economic developments, counterterrorism efforts, technology, and media
coverage.

Based on public interest from the webinar, I'd like to pull back the
curtain and provide a glimpse into how our methodology assesses these five
driving forces. In this series, each one will be examined individually, but
it's important to remember that not one factor operates in isolation — the
world does not work that way. They are all interconnected, and almost
always working together (or at cross purposes) to help transform terrorism
dynamics.

Terrorist Ideology

There are many definitions of terrorism, but for our purposes we will
loosely define it as politically motivated violence against noncombatants.
While many groups and individuals practice terrorism, terrorism for the
sake of terror is not their end goal. Instead, it's merely one tool that's
used to achieve a greater purpose, whether that objective is launching a
revolution that will bring about a "workers' paradise," providing animals
the same rights as humans or establishing a global caliphate.



Of course, not all political groups condone the use of terrorism to achieve
their goals. In fact, most — even groups that advocate radical or
revolutionary change — do not. A prime example is the Muslim Brotherhood,
an Islamist organization that has long called for the radical reordering of
governments and society in the Muslim world based on Sharia law. It
stresses working within the political system using non-violent means,
however, as the organization did in Egypt in 2012 when Muslim Brotherhood
candidate Mohammed Morsi was elected president following former Egyptian
President Hosni Mubarak's ouster. Even after a military coup overthrew
Morsi in 2013, the Muslim Brotherhood continued to preach non-violence.

There will always hyperbole in terrorist propaganda. Nevertheless, it tends
to clearly state the goals and intentions of terrorist groups, even when
they are not capable of achieving them.

Still, some of the organization's offshoots, such as the Palestinian Hamas
organization, have advocated the use of violence to achieve its ends. More
recently, many younger Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood members have become
frustrated by the approach and have broken away from the group entirely,
forming new organizations such as the *Hasam Movement*. By following the
rhetoric of these former members, it was not hard to predict that new
groups would rise; ones unafraid of conducting attacks against the Egyptian
government.



The statements published by groups are also good sources to glean the
intent of terrorist groups. Many are often transparent: The title of Osama
bin Laden's 1996 work, "Declaration of War Against the Americans Occupying
the Land of the Two Holy Places," alone showed that he wanted to lead
attacks against the United States. Furthermore, bin Laden's 1998 fatwa,
which was labeled as a statement by the World Islamic Front and co-signed
by the leaders of four other groups in Egypt, Pakistan and Bangladesh
showed that his ideology was gaining steam.

Similarly, when al Qaeda in Iraq changed its name to the Islamic State in
Iraq, it signaled its intent to establish an Islamic polity. Then when the
group changed its name to the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant, it
showed it wanted to create an Islamic polity that spanned Iraq and Syria.
And when it declared a global caliphate, logically it demonstrated a desire
to expand the polity beyond Iraq and Syria to the entire world.

When it comes to selecting targets for attacks, ideology has its part to
play as well. Marxist and anarchist groups, for example, will attack
industrialists and government targets, but most will avoid killing or
injuring citizens they view as being oppressed by capitalists or the state.
Still, even groups that are part of the same movement can have significant
differences in ideology. We have written extensively on the deep
divides between al Qaeda and the Islamic State. These differences include
not only targeting — but also how jihad should be pursued altogether.
Focusing on the ideology makes it clear that an al Qaeda and Islamic State
merger will not occur, despite press reports warning that their deadly
union is coming. After all, the Islamic State's flagship media product,
Rumiyah Magazine, would not label al Qaeda leaders "Jews of Jihad" if the
group had any serious thought of joining forces.



Terrorist Theory

Paying close attention to the way an organization operates can reveal how
it will evolve, too. As far back as 2005 Stratfor has discussed the
implications of a jihadist movement that was broader than the al Qaeda core
group, and how it was dangerous to view it only as a unified entity. The
tensions between the al Qaeda core and Abu Musab al Zarqawi's al Qaeda in
Iraq as reflected in a letter released in 2005 reinforced the notion
that jihadism
is a movement rather than a single hierarchical organization. It's a widely
accepted understanding now, but initially it was somewhat controversial.

The concept of leaderless resistance is another important area of focus;
one that reinforced the notion that the unified jihadist movement
originally under al Qaeda could and would become a dispersed and broad
threat. In this model, lone terrorists or small cells receive ideological
and targeting guidance from a central movement, but don't have direct
contact with the group in an effort to increase operational security.
Leaderless resistance is not a new concept by any means, but it was perhaps
best articulated and documented by U.S. white supremacist leaders following
the 1988 Fort Smith Sedition Trial. The Earth Liberation Front, the Animal
Liberation Front and some anarchist groups also adopted the concept, doing
so in an act of desperation after seeing their movements thoroughly
disrupted by U.S. law enforcement.



The al Qaeda core and other jihadist networks were similarly uprooted by
the United States and it allies following 9/11, forcing jihadist military
theoretician Abu Musab al-Suri to begin promoting a leaderless resistance
model for jihadists. In late 2004, al-Suri wedded the theory to the concept
of individual responsibility to conduct jihad. Al Qaeda in the Arabian
Peninsula (AQAP) eventually picked up the idea in 2009, penning an article
in the group's Arabic language magazine, Sada al-Malahim, in which AQAP
leaders encouraged Muslims living in the West to operate on their own
instead of attempting to travel overseas to receive training with jihadist
groups. Individuals were encouraged to conduct simple attacks against soft
targets using knives, guns, clubs, small bombs and other readily available
weapons. The operational model posed immense difficulties for
counterterrorism agencies, forcing many analysts to begin focusing on the
actual terrorist attack cycle, "the how" rather than "the who."

This paradigm was on display in the Ft. Hood shooting in 2010, during which
Major Nidal Hasan, a jihadist living in the United States, conducted a
simple attack in an army processing center after being inspired by AQAP.
The success of the attack motivated AQAP to dramatically increase its
efforts to inspire and equip other jihadists in the West to emulate the
grassroots attack. AQAP began publishing its English-language magazine
called "Inspire" not long after. Even al Qaeda's core jumped on the
leaderless resistance bandwagon, having English-spokesman Adam Gadahn
appear in a video encouraging Muslims living in the West to conduct attacks
against soft targets near where they live, using whatever weapons they
could get their hands on.



But while leaderless resistance provides better operational security for
grassroots operatives, they still lack the tradecraft and capability of
their trained peers. In fact, resorting to leaderless resistance became an
admission of weakness, as it had for previous groups. Asking jihadists to
use a knife or club was a far cry from threatening to launch an attack that
would surpass 9/11. Still, the Islamic State took up leaderless resistance
in September 2014. A message from Islamic State spokesman Abu Muhammed
al-Adnani reiterated AQAP's earlier call for jihadists living in the West
to conduct attacks against soft targets, no matter how basic.

It is interesting to now see so many asserting that attacks such as the
recent vehicular assaults in London and Stockholm by grassroots jihadists
are something new. They aren't. For those paying attention, it's clear that
the leaderless resistance strategy — what Inspire Magazine calls "open
source jihad" — stretches all the way back to al-Suri's writings, with
examples in Ft. Hood, Boston, Tolouse, Glasgow, Ottawa, and Sydney among
others. Understanding terrorism theory and how groups practice it puts
terrorist organizations in perspective. It also permits one to forecast
things like emerging and evolving threats.






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