Despite the relatively recent nature of these formal celebrations, the fact is 
that Islam’s presence in North America dates to the founding of the nation, and 
before, as my book, “Thomas Jefferson’s Qur'an: Islam and the Founders,” 
demonstrates.


Islam, an American religion

Muslims arrived in North America as early as the 17th century, eventually 
composing 15 to 30 percent of the enslaved West African population of British 
America. (Muslims from the Middle East did not begin to immigrate here as free 
citizens until the late 19th century.) Even key American Founding Fathers 
demonstrated a marked interest in the faith and its practitioners, most notably 
Thomas Jefferson.

As a 22-year-old law student in Williamsburg, Virginia, Jefferson bought a 
Qur’an—11 years before drafting the Declaration of Independence.

The purchase is symbolic of a longer historical connection between American and 
Islamic worlds, and a more inclusive view of the nation’s early, robust view of 
religious pluralism.


Although Jefferson did not leave any notes on his immediate reaction to the 
Qur’an, he did criticize Islam as “stifling free enquiry” in his early 
political debates in Virginia, a charge he also leveled against Catholicism. He 
thought both religions fused religion and the state at a time he wished to 
separate them in his commonwealth.

Despite his criticism of Islam, Jefferson supported the rights of its 
adherents. Evidence exists that Jefferson had been thinking privately about 
Muslim inclusion in his new country since 1776. A few months after penning the 
Declaration of Independence, he returned to Virginia to draft legislation about 
religion for his native state, writing in his private notes a paraphrase of the 
English philosopher John Locke’s 1689 “Letter on Toleration”:

“[he] says neither Pagan nor Mahometan [Muslim] nor Jew ought to be excluded 
from the civil rights of the commonwealth because of his religion.”


The precedents Jefferson copied from Locke echo strongly in his Virginia 
Statute for Religious Freedom, which proclaims:

“(O)ur civil rights have no dependence on our religious opinions.”

The statute, drafted in 1777, which became law in 1786, inspired the 
Constitution’s “no religious test” clause and the First Amendment.
Jefferson’s pluralistic vision

Was Jefferson thinking about Muslims when he drafted his famed Virginia 
legislation?

Indeed, we find evidence for this in the Founding Father’s 1821 autobiography, 
where he happily recorded that a final attempt to add the words “Jesus Christ” 
to the preamble of his legislation failed. And this failure led Jefferson to 
affirm that he had intended the application of the Statute to be “universal.”

By this he meant that religious liberty and political equality would not be 
exclusively Christian. For Jefferson asserted in his autobiography that his 
original legislative intent had been “to comprehend, within the mantle of its 
protection, the Jew and the Gentile, the Christian and Mahometan [Muslim], the 
Hindoo, and Infidel of every denomination.”

By defining Muslims as future citizens in the 18th century, in conjunction with 
a resident Jewish minority, Jefferson expanded his “universal” legislative 
scope to include every one of every faith.

Ideas about the nation’s religiously plural character were tested also in 
Jefferson’s presidential foreign policy with the Islamic powers of North 
Africa. President Jefferson welcomed the first Muslim ambassador, who hailed 
from Tunis, to the White House in 1805. Because it was Ramadan, the president 
moved the state dinner from 3:30 p.m. to be “precisely at sunset,” a 
recognition of the Tunisian ambassador’s religious beliefs, if not quite 
America’s first official celebration of Ramadan.

A White House tradition

Muslims once again provide a litmus test for the civil rights of all U.S. 
believers. Even though this administration seems to have chosen not to continue 
the American political tradition of celebrating Ramadan at the White House, it 
is still a moment to remember that Islam has long been practiced in America.

Its adherents remain a pivotal part of our founding history. The very presence 
of Muslims in America, as American citizens, remains unacknowledged by the 
Trump administration, both in its speech in Saudi Arabia to “the Muslim world” 
and the president’s minimal statement marking Ramadan this month.

The ConversationToday, Muslims are fellow citizens, and their legal rights 
represent an American founding ideal increasingly besieged by fearmongering, 
precedents at odds with the best of our ideals of universal religious freedom.

Denise A. Spellberg is a Professor of History and Middle Eastern Studies at 
University of Texas at Austin

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