Once again the New York Communist Party Times prints classified information.



From: *Travis*
Date: Mon, Nov 10, 2008
Subject:  Secret Order Lets U.S. Raid Al Qaeda in Many Countries





Secret Order Lets U.S. Raid Al Qaeda in Many Countries By ERIC
SCHMITT<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/s/eric_schmitt/index.html?inline=nyt-per>and
MARK
MAZZETTI<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/m/mark_mazzetti/index.html?inline=nyt-per>
*
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/10/washington/10military.html?tntemail1=y&_r=1&oref=slogin&emc=tnt&pagewanted=print
*


WASHINGTON — The United States military since 2004 has used broad, secret
authority to carry out nearly a dozen previously undisclosed attacks against
Al 
Qaeda<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/a/al_qaeda/index.html?inline=nyt-org>and
other militants in Syria, Pakistan and elsewhere, according to senior
American officials.

These military raids, typically carried out by Special Operations forces,
were authorized by a classified order that Defense Secretary Donald H.
Rumsfeld<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/r/donald_h_rumsfeld/index.html?inline=nyt-per>signed
in the spring of 2004 with the approval of President Bush, the
officials said. The secret order gave the military new authority to attack
the Qaeda terrorist network anywhere in the world, and a more sweeping
mandate to conduct operations in countries not at war with the United
States.

In 2006, for example, a Navy
Seal<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/n/us_navy/index.html?inline=nyt-org>team
raided a suspected militants' compound in the Bajaur region of
Pakistan, according to a former top official of the Central Intelligence
Agency<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/c/central_intelligence_agency/index.html?inline=nyt-org>.
Officials watched the entire mission — captured by the video camera of a
remotely piloted Predator aircraft — in real time in the C.I.A.'s
Counterterrorist Center at the agency's headquarters in Virginia 7,000 miles
away.

Some of the military missions have been conducted in close coordination with
the C.I.A., according to senior American officials, who said that in others,
like the Special Operations raid in Syria on Oct. 26 of this year, the
military commandos acted in support of C.I.A.-directed operations.

But as many as a dozen additional operations have been canceled in the past
four years, often to the dismay of military commanders, senior military
officials said. They said senior administration officials had decided in
these cases that the missions were too risky, were too diplomatically
explosive or relied on insufficient evidence.

More than a half-dozen officials, including current and former military and
intelligence officials as well as senior Bush administration policy makers,
described details of the 2004 military order on the condition of anonymity
because of its politically delicate nature. Spokesmen for the White House,
the Defense Department and the military declined to comment.

Apart from the 2006 raid into Pakistan, the American officials refused to
describe in detail what they said had been nearly a dozen previously
undisclosed attacks, except to say they had been carried out in Syria,
Pakistan and other countries. They made clear that there had been no raids
into Iran using that authority, but they suggested that American forces had
carried out reconnaissance missions in Iran using other classified
directives.

According to a senior administration official, the new authority was spelled
out in a classified document called "Al Qaeda Network Exord," or execute
order, that streamlined the approval process for the military to act outside
officially declared war zones. Where in the past the Pentagon needed to get
approval for missions on a case-by-case basis, which could take days when
there were only hours to act, the new order specified a way for Pentagon
planners to get the green light for a mission far more quickly, the official
said.

It also allowed senior officials to think through how the United States
would respond if a mission went badly. "If that helicopter goes down in
Syria en route to a target," a former senior military official said, "the
American response would not have to be worked out on the fly."

The 2004 order was a step in the evolution of how the American government
sought to kill or capture Qaeda terrorists around the world. It was issued
after the Bush administration had already granted America's intelligence
agencies sweeping power to secretly detain and interrogate terrorism
suspects in overseas prisons and to conduct warrantless eavesdropping on
telephone and electronic communications.

Shortly after the Sept. 11 attacks, Mr. Bush issued a classified order
authorizing the C.I.A. to kill or capture Qaeda militants around the globe.
By 2003, American intelligence agencies and the military had developed a
much deeper understanding of Al Qaeda's extensive global network, and Mr.
Rumsfeld pressed hard to unleash the military's vast firepower against
militants outside the combat zones of Iraq and Afghanistan.

The 2004 order identifies 15 to 20 countries, including Syria, Pakistan,
Yemen, Saudi Arabia and several other Persian Gulf states, where Qaeda
militants were believed to be operating or to have sought sanctuary, a
senior administration official said.

Even with the order, each specific mission requires high-level government
approval. Targets in Somalia, for instance, need at least the approval of
the defense secretary, the administration official said, while targets in a
handful of countries, including Pakistan and Syria, require presidential
approval.

The Pentagon has exercised its authority frequently, dispatching commandos
to countries including Pakistan and Somalia. Details of a few of these
strikes have previously been reported.

For example, shortly after Ethiopian troops crossed into Somalia in late
2006 to dislodge an Islamist regime in Mogadishu, the Pentagon's Joint Special
Operations 
Command<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/s/united_states_special_operations_command/index.html?inline=nyt-org>quietly
sent operatives and AC-130 gunships to an airstrip near the
Ethiopian town of Dire Dawa. From there, members of a classified unit called
Task Force 88 crossed repeatedly into Somalia to hunt senior members of a
Qaeda cell believed to be responsible for the 1998 American Embassy bombings
in Kenya and Tanzania.

At the time, American officials said Special Operations troops were
operating under a classified directive authorizing the military to kill or
capture Qaeda operatives if failure to act quickly would mean the United
States had lost a "fleeting opportunity" to neutralize the enemy.

Occasionally, the officials said, Special Operations troops would land in
Somalia to assess the strikes' results. On Jan. 7, 2007, an AC-130 struck an
isolated fishing village near the Kenyan border, and within hours, American
commandos and Ethiopian troops were examining the rubble to determine
whether any Qaeda operatives had been killed.

But even with the new authority, proposed Pentagon missions were sometimes
scrubbed because of bad intelligence or bureaucratic entanglements, senior
administration officials said.

The details of one of those aborted operations, in early 2005, were reported
by The New York Times last June. In that case, an operation to send a team
of the Navy Seals and the Army Rangers into Pakistan to capture Ayman
al-Zawahri<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/z/ayman_al_zawahiri/index.html?inline=nyt-per>,
Osama bin 
Laden<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/b/osama_bin_laden/index.html?inline=nyt-per>'s
top deputy, was aborted at the last minute.

Mr. Zawahri was believed by intelligence officials to be attending a meeting
in Bajaur, in Pakistan's tribal areas, and the Pentagon's Joint Special
Operations Command hastily put together a plan to capture him. There were
strong disagreements inside the Pentagon and the C.I.A. about the quality of
the intelligence, however, and some in the military expressed concern that
the mission was unnecessarily risky.

Porter J. 
Goss<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/g/porter_j_goss/index.html?inline=nyt-per>,
the C.I.A. director at the time, urged the military to carry out the
mission, and some in the C.I.A. even wanted to execute it without
informing Ryan
C. 
Crocker<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/c/ryan_c_crocker/index.html?inline=nyt-per>,
then the American ambassador to Pakistan. Mr. Rumsfeld ultimately refused to
authorize the mission.

Former military and intelligence officials said that Lt. Gen. Stanley A.
McChrystal, who recently completed his tour as head of the Joint Special
Operations Command, had pressed for years to win approval for commando
missions into Pakistan. But the missions were frequently rejected because
officials in Washington determined that the risks to American troops and the
alliance with Pakistan were too great.

Capt. John Kirby, a spokesman for General McChrystal, who is now director of
the military's Joint Staff, declined to comment.

The recent raid into Syria was not the first time that Special Operations
forces had operated in that country, according to a senior military official
and an outside adviser to the Pentagon.

Since the Iraq war began, the official and the outside adviser said, Special
Operations forces have several times made cross-border raids aimed at
militants and infrastructure aiding the flow of foreign fighters into Iraq.

The raid in late October, however, was much more noticeable than the
previous raids, military officials said, which helps explain why it drew a
sharp protest from the Syrian government.

Negotiations to hammer out the 2004 order took place over nearly a year and
involved wrangling between the Pentagon and the C.I.A. and the State
Department about the military's proper role around the world, several
administration officials said.

American officials said there had been debate over whether to include Iran
in the 2004 order, but ultimately Iran was set aside, possibly to be dealt
with under a separate authorization.

Senior officials of the State Department and the C.I.A. voiced fears that
military commandos would encroach on their turf, conducting operations that
historically the C.I.A. had carried out, and running missions without an
ambassador's knowledge or approval.

Mr. Rumsfeld had pushed in the years after the Sept. 11 attacks to expand
the mission of Special Operations troops to include intelligence gathering
and counterterrorism operations in countries where American commandos had
not operated before.

Bush administration officials have shown a determination to operate under an
expansive definition of self-defense that provides a legal rationale for
strikes on militant targets in sovereign nations without those countries'
consent.

Several officials said the negotiations over the 2004 order resulted in
closer coordination among the Pentagon, the State Department and the C.I.A.,
and set a very high standard for the quality of intelligence necessary to
gain approval for an attack.

The 2004 order also provided a foundation for the orders that Mr. Bush
approved in July allowing the military to conduct raids into the Pakistani
tribal areas, including the Sept. 3 operation by Special Operations forces
that killed about 20 militants, American officials said.

Administration officials said that Mr. Bush's approval had paved the way for
Defense Secretary Robert M.
Gates<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/g/robert_m_gates/index.html?inline=nyt-per>to
sign an order — separate from the 2004 order — that specifically
directed
the military to plan a series of operations, in cooperation with the C.I.A.,
on the Qaeda network and other militant groups linked to it in Pakistan.

Unlike the 2004 order, in which Special Operations commanders nominated
targets for approval by senior government officials, the order in July was
more of a top-down approach, directing the military to work with the C.I.A.
to find targets in the tribal areas, administration officials said. They
said each target still needed to be approved by the group of Mr. Bush's top
national security and foreign policy advisers, called the Principals
Committee.

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