One week since the election of Obama

It is one week since the decisive election victory of Barack Obama.
There has been a wealth of commentary both in the US and
internationally on the significance of the election. With few
exceptions, what has characterized the media response is a curious
combination of self-congratulatory assertions that the election has
redeemed America in the eyes of the world and set the stage for a new
era of progressive change, and warnings that the Obama administration
must be prepared to say “no” to its popular constituency and pursue a
conservative and bipartisan course. In many cases, these themes have
been voiced by the same commentator and in one and the same article.


As the World Socialist Web Site editorial board wrote on the outcome
of the vote, the overwhelming victory for Obama and the Democratic
Party marked a major change in the political life of the United
States. It was a sweeping popular repudiation of the Bush
administration, the Republican Party and nearly three decades of right-
wing domination of American politics.


What drove the election outcome, above all, was the desire of millions
of working people and youth, under conditions of a deepening recession
and growing social distress, to effect a reversal of economic policies
devoted to the enrichment of the financial elite, bring an end to the
wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and a foreign policy based on militarism,
and halt the attacks on democratic rights. All of the polices that
were repudiated by the electorate are essentially bipartisan in
character. But under conditions of a state-enforced monopoly of two
corporate-dominated parties, the drive by working people to express
their socio-economic interests could only take the form of a victory
for the Democrats.


The sentiments and political views animating the broad mass of voters,
however, are only one side of the political equation. The selection
and election of Obama is also the response of the most conscious
sections of the American ruling class to the crisis of American
imperialism. A growing section of the political establishment had come
to view the foreign policies of the Bush administration, especially
after 9/11, as reckless, ill-considered and doomed to fail. The
outcome of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and the decline in the
global influence of American imperialism under Bush increased the
constituency within the ruling class for a recalibration of US foreign
policy and a change in the country’s leading personnel. Others within
the corporate and political elite viewed with increasing anxiety
elements of the administration’s economic policy—its massive budget
and trade deficits, the weakening of the dollar and the growing
challenge from old economic powers in Europe and Japan and emerging
economic powers such as China and India.


To deal with the protracted and visible decline of American
capitalism, whose iconic banks and industrial firms are verging on
collapse, these sections sponsored and financed the campaign of Obama,
with an eye to installing a more popular and at the same time entirely
reliable representative of the class interests and global aims of
American imperialism.


American industry may be all but bankrupt, but America remains the
world’s leader in marketing. A well-oiled and lavishly funded
marketing campaign was launched to give American imperialism a new
brand, in the form of the young, African-American senator from
Illinois.


The first week of the Obama transition has already begun to illuminate
the social contradictions within the so-called Obama coalition. Here
it is sufficient to point to a few key developments. First is the
appointment of Rahm Emanuel as Obama’s chief of staff. This right-wing
congressman and millionaire investment banker has already made clear
that his main job is to rein in the more liberal elements in the
Democratic majorities in the House and Senate. Asked point blank by
the Wall Street Journal whether “liberal majorities” in Congress would
“have their way” with President Obama, Emanuel replied, “Barack Obama
can stand up to them.”


He went on to state that the country was not “yearning for an
ideological answer” and that Obama would not seek “to satisfy any
constituency or ideological wing of the party.”


Both the Journal editorial board and leading neo-conservative William
Kristol congratulated Obama on his choice of Emanuel.


Similar remarks were made by some who supposedly represent the
“ideological wing” of the Democratic Party. Speaker of the House Nancy
Pelosi, for example, declared one day after the election that Obama
would have to “govern from the middle.”


This theme—the need for a bipartisan and “centrist” course, the claim
that America remains, despite the mass repudiation of right-wing
politics a “right-center” country—has dominated the press commentary
of the past week.


Then there was Obama’s press conference on Friday, where he answered
questions with his team of economic advisers lined up behind him. Most
prominent among the collection of bankers, corporate CEOs and former
government officials was Paul Volcker, the former Federal Reserve
Chairman who engineered the recession of the early 1980s that was used
to undermine the militant resistance of the working class to plant
closures and wage cuts and break the power of the unions.


On Monday, Obama made the traditional visit to the outgoing president
in the White House. However, this ritual was moved forward in order to
reassure the financial markets that the taxpayer bailout of the banks
and financial firms would continue without interruption despite the
change of administration.


Virtually without exception, liberal commentators and “left” political
tendencies have ignored or downplayed all such indications that Obama
intends to pursue a conservative course and reject anything that
suggests a more democratic and egalitarian restructuring of American
capitalism. This has been facilitated by their interpretation of the
election almost entirely in racial terms. The obsession with race,
which for 40 years has been the mainstay of liberal politics in
America, has, if anything, been accentuated in the aftermath of the
election.


This is despite the fact that the election was a powerful refutation
of the portrayal of American working people as racist, backward and
hopelessly in the thrall of religion and conservative “values”—a
political myth that assumed the status of an unassailable truth after
the reelection of Bush in 2004.


Typical is the column in the Sunday New York Times by Frank Rich,
which begins, “On the morning after a black man won the White House,
America’s tears of catharsis gave way to unadulterated joy.” Rich
notes approvingly that the election disproved what “we’ve been told by
those in power… that we are small, bigoted and stupid—easily divided
and easily frightened.” He then makes the significant admission that
“We heard this slander of America so often that we all started to
believe it, liberals most certainly included.”


It is obvious that Rich, speaking for liberals in general, employs the
same superficial impressionism, buttressed by an obsession with race,
that led him to buy into the old illusions in order to embrace a new
one—that Obama represents a new dawn of democracy and progress in
America.


It is legitimate to recognize that the vote for Obama would not have
been possible were it not for the fact that social attitudes in
America have changed profoundly over the past 50 years—something that
was for all practical purposes denied by Rich and his fellow liberals.
Nor is there any doubt that the movement to the left of broad sections
of the working class overcame any hesitations linked to the lingering
influence of racial attitudes.


But there is a disturbing undercurrent in the response of Rich and
other liberal and “left” commentators to the election. For them, it is
all about race, and not about the social sentiments, policy questions
and class issues that actually determined the outcome. They define the
election as the victory of a black man, not the result of a wave of
popular opposition to Bush and a Republican administration that lifted
a candidate into the White House who happens to be black.


This indicates that Rich and others of his political stripe will be
prepared to tolerate policies that they considered unacceptable under
Bush when they are carried out by Obama—which was precisely the point
of the promotion of Obama by his establishment backers. To the extent
that Obama is able to exploit his identity to politically disarm
workers, his administration becomes all the more dangerous to the
social interests of the working class.


What happens when the working class begins to fight for its social
interests and comes into conflict with an Obama administration, when
the class nature of the Obama administration is revealed and workers
come forward to oppose it? Then the class basis of liberalism as a
political standpoint of a section of the bourgeoisie and the petty-
bourgeoisie will be revealed, and its fundamentally reactionary nature
exposed.


Whatever the initial exhilaration over Obama’s victory, the deepening
economic crisis will sooner rather than later make itself felt in the
lives of tens of millions of Americans and begin to clarify the class
interests that underlie the new administration. This will set the
stage for a new period of revolutionary class struggle in the United
States.


Barry Grey

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2008/nov2008/pers-n11.shtml


On Nov 18, 11:56 am, jcorlett <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
> http://progressivelabor.890m.com/index.php/challenge-newspaper/browse...
>
> Barack’s Capitalist Dream Team: Workers’ Nightmare
>
> Written by challenge
> Monday, 17 November 2008 02:48
> The emerging “Team Obama” boasts many of U.S. capitalism’s most
> vicious racist job-, wage- and benefit-cutters and imperialist
> warmakers. Economic hit-men like former Federal Reserve Chairman Paul
> Volcker, Clinton’s Treasury-Secy. Robert Rubin and his assistant Larry
> Summers, and Clinton’s NY Fed chairman Timothy Geithner comprise
> Obama’s money trust.
>
> Their policies directly raised unemployment to levels unseen since the
> 1930s, dismantled Welfare and helped engineer Wall Street’s
> “restructuring,” which this year alone has cost 1.2 million workers’
> jobs. Government figures show 21.2 million workers out of work or
> unable to find full-time jobs. (NY Times, 10/8) Meanwhile, executives
> of failed firms haggle over the size of their multi-million-dollar
> “golden parachutes.”
>
> John Podesta heads Obama’s transition team. The lobbying firm he
> founded fronts for BP, Boeing, General Dynamics, Lockheed, Northrop,
> Raytheon, and other cogs in the Pentagon war machine. Rahm Emmanuel,
> Obama’s new chief of staff, served in the neo-Nazi Israeli Defense
> Force during the genocide of the first Gulf War.
>
> The Rockefeller wing of the ruling class, expecting potential
> opposition to capitalism’s putting the screws on the working class,
> has been planning Obama’s rise for some time. As CHALLENGE has
> reported, Rockefeller money sent Obama to Harvard and then to a
> professorship at the U. of Chicago and then to the “electric” speech
> at the 2004 Democratic Convention which gave him the national
> spotlight. It was then that he started pushing the rulers’ “all-class
> unity” (“We’re not blue states or red states; we’re the United
> States”), now his watchword. In Obama the rulers have the perfect guy
> to champion this.
>
> According to the NY Times (10/5), Obama’s forces began organizing this
> campaign the day after he was elected to the Senate from Illinois two
> years ago. They figured out how to raise hundreds of millions of
> dollars, outspending McCain four to one.
--~--~---------~--~----~------------~-------~--~----~
Thanks for being part of "PoliticalForum" at Google Groups.
For options & help see http://groups.google.com/group/PoliticalForum

* Visit our other community at http://www.PoliticalForum.com/  
* It's active and moderated. Register and vote in our polls. 
* Read the latest breaking news, and more.
-~----------~----~----~----~------~----~------~--~---

Reply via email to