Uncovering the Final Secrets of the Bush Administration
http://www.alternet.org/rights/109236/
Treat Cheney's offices like a crime scene, create a 9/12 Commission,
and declassify the Bush papers -- the public deserves to
know.
In March 2001, U.S. Archivist John W. Carlin received a letter from
Alberto Gonzales, then counsel to the newly inaugurated president
George W. Bush. It concerned an important deadline that was looming
--
one that Bush owed to Richard Nixon.

In 1974, Congress ordered a lockdown on all records kept by the Nixon
White House, afraid that the outgoing president would try to wipe out
the paper trail of his disastrous second term and chastened by the
recent destruction of decades' worth of FBI files by the late
director
J. Edgar Hoover's loyal secretary. That order was expanded four years
later into a law requiring that all presidents' papers -- everything
from briefings to personal notes and everyday communications between
the president, vice president, and their staffers -- be handed over
to
the National Archives twelve years after their terms ended for
eventual public release. Ronald Reagan was the first chief executive
to whom the Presidential Records Act applied, and his papers were due
to be turned over to Carlin at the beginning of Bush's term.


Gonzales wanted Carlin to delay the release until June. His letter
didn't say why, but Carlin agreed. Then in June, Carlin got another
memo from Gonzales -- Bush's attorney now wanted until the end of
August. Carlin agreed again. The extensions continued until November,
when Bush issued an executive order: effective immediately, the
release of presidential records would require the approval of both
the
sitting president and the president whose records were in question,
rather than just the former. It was what open-government advocates
would later describe as a two-key system: under Bush's rule, Nixon
could have buried the Watergate tapes without explaining himself to
anyone.


Bush's executive order had little to do with any concerns of Reagan
himself, whose estate has since shared his papers enthusiastically.
Some administration critics theorized at the time that Bush was
trying
to shield from scrutiny his father's vice presidential records, which
were among the Reagan White House documents -- but ultimately it
wasn't really about George H. W. Bush, either. It was about the new
president and vice president, and the kind of government they
intended
to run. Bill Clinton's White House had been relatively obliging in
matters of secrecy, handing over millions of pages of documents --
down to the White House Christmas card list -- when Congress demanded
them. Things would be different under Bush. "I think they thought
Clinton was too open, had caved in to Congress too much," Carlin
says.
"It was a different philosophy."


Gonzales's March 2001 memo was the opening salvo in a war over
information, one that began in the earliest days of the Bush
administration and will continue beyond its end. The stakes, which no
one could have predicted when the letter crossed Carlin's desk, are
now self-evidently enormous: when Bush hands over the keys to the
White House in January, he will leave behind more unanswered
questions
of sweeping national importance than any modern president. We still
do
not know how intelligence operatives, acting in the name of the
United
States, have interrogated suspected terrorists, and how they are
interrogating them now.


We do not know how many Americans' phone calls and e-mails were
scanned by the National Security Agency. We do not know -- although
we
can guess -- who ordered the firings of the U.S. attorneys who didn't
comply with the Bush administration's political agenda, and we do not
know who may have been wrongly prosecuted by those who did. There are
large gaps in our understanding of the backstories to everything from
pre-war intelligence in Iraq to the censoring of scientific opinion
at
the Environmental Protection Agency and the Department of the
Interior. And those are the things we know we don't know -- there are
also what Donald Rumsfeld might call the unknown unknowns.


The thought of revisiting this history after living through it for
eight years is exhausting, and both President Barack Obama and
Congress will have every political reason to just move on. But we
can't -- it's too important. Fortunately, an accounting of the Bush
years is a less daunting prospect than it seems from the outset. If
the new president and leaders on Capitol Hill act shrewdly, they can
pull it off while successfully navigating the political realities and
expectations they now face. A few key actions will take us much of
the
distance between what we know and what we need to know.



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