wncs:

JUST TO AID YOUR FUZZY MEMORY JUST A LITTLE BIT.

Congressional Resolution on Iraq (Passed by House and Senate October
2002)

Joint Resolution to Authorize the use of United States Armed Forces
Against Iraq.

Whereas in 1990 in response to Iraq's war of aggression against and
illegal occupation of Kuwait, the United States forged a coalition of
nations to liberate Kuwait and its people in order to defend the
national security of the United States and enforce United Nations
Security Council resolutions relating to Iraq;

Whereas after the liberation of Kuwait in 1991, Iraq entered into a
United Nations sponsored cease-fire agreement pursuant to which Iraq
unequivocally agreed, among other things, to eliminate its nuclear,
biological, and chemical weapons programs and the means to deliver and
develop them, and to end its support for international terrorism;

Whereas the efforts of international weapons inspectors, United States
intelligence agencies, and Iraqi defectors led to the discovery that
Iraq had large stockpiles of chemical weapons and a large scale
biological weapons program, and that Iraq had an advanced nuclear
weapons development program that was much closer to producing a
nuclear weapon than intelligence reporting had previously indicated;

Whereas Iraq, in direct and flagrant violation of the cease-fire,
attempted to thwart the efforts of weapons inspectors to identify and
destroy Iraq's weapons of mass destruction stockpiles and development
capabilities, which finally resulted in the withdrawal of inspectors
from Iraq on October 31, 1998;

Whereas in 1998 Congress concluded that Iraq's continuing weapons of
mass destruction programs threatened vital United States interests and
international peace and security, declared Iraq to be in `material and
unacceptable breach of its international obligations' and urged the
President `to take appropriate action, in accordance with the
Constitution and relevant laws of the United States, to bring Iraq
into compliance with its international obligations' (Public Law
105-235);

Whereas Iraq both poses a continuing threat to the national security
of the United States and international peace and security in the
Persian Gulf region and remains in material an unacceptable breach of
its international obligations by, among other things, continuing to
possess and develop a significant chemical and biological weapons
capability, actively seeking a nuclear weapons capability, and
supporting and harboring terrorist organizations;

Whereas Iraq persists in violating resolutions of the United Nations
Security Council by continuing to engage in brutal repression of its
civilian population thereby threatening international peace and
security in the region, by refusing to release, repatriate, or account
for non-Iraqi citizens wrongfully detained by Iraq, including an
American serviceman, and by failing to return property wrongfully
seized by Iraq from Kuwait;

Whereas the current Iraqi regime has demonstrated its capability and
willingness to use weapons of mass destruction against other nations
and its own people;

Whereas the current Iraqi regime has demonstrated its continuing
hostility toward, and willingness to attack, the United States,
including by attempting in 1993 to assassinate former President Bush
and by firing on many thousands of occasions on United States and
Coalition Armed Forces engaged in enforcing the resolutions of the
United Nations Security Council;

Whereas members of al-Qaida, an organization bearing responsibility
for attacks on the United States, its citizens, and interests,
including the attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, are known
to be in Iraq;

Whereas Iraq continues to aid and harbor other international terrorist
organizations, including organizations that threaten the lives and
safety of American citizens;

Whereas the attacks on the United States of September 11, 2001,
underscored the gravity of the threat posed by the acquisition of
weapons of mass destruction by international terrorist organizations;

Whereas Iraq's demonstrated capability and willingness to use weapons
of mass destruction, the risk that the current Iraqi regime will
either employ those weapons to launch a surprise attack against the
United States or its Armed Forces or provide them to international
terrorists who would do so, and the extreme magnitude of harm that
would result to the United States and its citizens from such an
attack, combine to justify action by the United States to defend
itself;

Whereas United Nations Security Council Resolution 678 authorizes the
use of all necessary means to enforce United Nations Security Council
Resolution 660 and subsequent relevant resolutions and to compel Iraq
to cease certain activities that threaten international peace and
security, including the development of weapons of mass destruction and
refusal or obstruction of United Nations weapons inspections in
violation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 687,
repression of its civilian population in violation of United Nations
Security Council Resolution 688, and threatening its neighbors or
United Nations operations in Iraq in violation of United Nations
Security Council Resolution 949;

Whereas Congress in the Authorization for Use of Military Force
Against Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1) has authorized the
President `to use United States Armed Forces pursuant to United
Nations Security Council Resolution 678 (1990) in order to achieve
implementation of Security Council Resolutions 660, 661, 662, 664,
665, 666, 667, 669, 670, 674, and 677';

Whereas in December 1991, Congress expressed its sense that it
`supports the use of all necessary means to achieve the goals of
United Nations Security Council Resolution 687 as being consistent
with the Authorization of Use of Military Force Against Iraq
Resolution (Public Law 102-1),' that Iraq's repression of its civilian
population violates United Nations Security Council Resolution 688 and
`constitutes a continuing threat to the peace, security, and stability
of the Persian Gulf region,' and that Congress, `supports the use of
all necessary means to achieve the goals of United Nations Security
Council Resolution 688';

Whereas the Iraq Liberation Act (Public Law 105-338) expressed the
sense of Congress that it should be the policy of the United States to
support efforts to remove from power the current Iraqi regime and
promote the emergence of a democratic government to replace that
regime;

Whereas on September 12, 2002, President Bush committed the United
States to `work with the United Nations Security Council to meet our
common challenge' posed by Iraq and to `work for the necessary
resolutions,' while also making clear that `the Security Council
resolutions will be enforced, and the just demands of peace and
security will be met, or action will be unavoidable';

Whereas the United States is determined to prosecute the war on
terrorism and Iraq's ongoing support for international terrorist
groups combined with its development of weapons of mass destruction in
direct violation of its obligations under the 1991 cease-fire and
other United Nations Security Council resolutions make clear that it
is in the national security interests of the United States and in
furtherance of the war on terrorism that all relevant United Nations
Security Council resolutions be enforced, including through the use of
force if necessary;

Whereas Congress has taken steps to pursue vigorously the war on
terrorism through the provision of authorities and funding requested
by the President to take the necessary actions against international
terrorists and terrorist organizations, including those nations,
organizations or persons who planned, authorized, committed or aided
the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored
such persons or organizations;

Whereas the President and Congress are determined to continue to take
all appropriate actions against international terrorists and terrorist
organizations, including those nations, organizations or persons who
planned, authorized, committed or aided the terrorist attacks that
occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such persons or
organizations;

Whereas the President has authority under the Constitution to take
action in order to deter and prevent acts of international terrorism
against the United States, as Congress recognized in the joint
resolution on Authorization for Use of Military Force (Public Law
107-40); and

Whereas it is in the national security of the United States to restore
international peace and security to the Persian Gulf region: Now,
therefore, be it

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America in Congress assembled,

SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

This joint resolution may be cited as the `Authorization for the Use
of Military Force Against Iraq'.

SEC. 2. SUPPORT FOR UNITED STATES DIPLOMATIC EFFORTS.

The Congress of the United States supports the efforts by the
President to

(1) strictly enforce through the United Nations Security Council all
relevant Security Council resolutions applicable to Iraq and
encourages him in those efforts; and

(2) obtain prompt and decisive action by the Security Council to
ensure that Iraq abandons its strategy of delay, evasion and
noncompliance and promptly and strictly complies with all relevant
Security Council resolutions.

SEC. 3. AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES.

(a) AUTHORIZATION- The President is authorized to use the Armed Forces
of the United States as he determines to be necessary and appropriate
in order to
(1) defend the national security of the United States against the
continuing threat posed by Iraq; and
(2) enforce all relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions
regarding Iraq.

(b) PRESIDENTIAL DETERMINATION- In connection with the exercise of the
authority granted in subsection (a) to use force the President shall,
prior to such exercise or as soon thereafter as may be feasible, but
no later than 48 hours after exercising such authority, make available
to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President pro
tempore of the Senate his determination that

(1) reliance by the United States on further diplomatic or other
peaceful means alone either (A) will not adequately protect the
national security of the United States against the continuing threat
posed by Iraq or (B) is not likely to lead to enforcement of all
relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq;
and

(2) acting pursuant to this resolution is consistent with the United
States and other countries continuing to take the necessary actions
against international terrorists and terrorist organizations,
including those nations, organizations or persons who planned,
authorized, committed or aided the terrorists attacks that occurred on
September 11, 2001.

(c) WAR POWERS RESOLUTION REQUIREMENTS-

(1) SPECIFIC STATUTORY AUTHORIZATION- Consistent with section 8(a)(1)
of the War Powers Resolution, the Congress declares that this section
is intended to constitute specific statutory authorization within the
meaning of section 5(b) of the War Powers Resolution.

(2) APPLICABILITY OF OTHER REQUIREMENTS- Nothing in this resolution
supersedes any requirement of the War Powers Resolution.

SEC. 4. REPORTS TO CONGRESS.

(a) The President shall, at least once every 60 days, submit to the
Congress a report on matters relevant to this joint resolution,
including actions taken pursuant to the exercise of authority granted
in section 3 and the status of planning for efforts that are expected
to be required after such actions are completed, including those
actions described in section 7 of Public Law 105-338 (the Iraq
Liberation Act of 1998).

(b) To the extent that the submission of any report described in
subsection (a) coincides with the submission of any other report on
matters relevant to this joint resolution otherwise required to be
submitted to Congress pursuant to the reporting requirements of Public
Law 93-148 (the Wap Xnwers Resolution), all such reports may be
submitted as a single consolidated report to the Congress.

(c) To the extent that the information required by section 3 of Public
Law 102-1 is included in the report required by this section, such
report shall be considered as meeting the requirements of section 3 of
Public Law 102-1.









August 24, 2008
Who Lied About Iraq?
Americanthinker.com
By Randall Hoven

Do not believe that post-invasion intelligence invalidates our
justification for using military force against Saddam's Iraq. The
truth is the exact opposite.  The US was fully justified to use
military force against Iraq, even knowing what we know now --
especially knowing what we know now.  We should not allow the false
story -- almost accepted as fact -- as we head into a Presidential
election, to go unchallenged.

The False Story

"The United States invaded Iraq based on false premises. The
administration orchestrated a public relations drive to prove that
Iraq had weapons of mass destruction and connections to the 9/11
terrorists - both proved false." USA Today

While these two sentences came from USA Today, they describe the words
behind the music of the "Bush lied, people died" meme echoing
throughout the media chambers since at least 2004.  The lies in just
these two sentences are almost Shakespearian in their layered
texture.  The statement even lays out a false premise in accusing the
Bush administration of using false premises.  If lying is an art, our
media have mastered it.

The Premise

Our invasion of Iraq was not based on a public relations drive; it was
based on Public Law 107-243, otherwise known as the Authorization for
Use of Military Force Against Iraq, passed by the 107th Congress in
October of 2002 .  (Herein referred to as the "Authorization".)  It
passed the House with a vote of 296 to 133 (by 69%) and the Senate
with a vote of 77 to 23 (by 77%), including 58% of Senate Democrats.
In short, it was overwhelming; it was bipartisan; and it was law.

Did the Authorization try to "prove that Iraq had weapons of mass
destruction"?  Was that proved false?

No and no.

The Authorization has 23 "whereas" clauses, or reasons to justify
military invasion, only some of which mention WMD.  Here is a prime
example.

"Whereas the efforts of international weapons inspectors, United
States intelligence agencies, and Iraqi defectors led to the discovery
that Iraq had large stockpiles of chemical weapons and a large scale
biological weapons program, and that Iraq had an advanced nuclear
weapons development program that was much closer to producing a
nuclear weapon than intelligence reporting had previously
indicated."  [Emphasis added.]

There are several things to notice in that clause.  First is the tense
of the verb "had."  The clause does not claim that Iraq has WMD now
(in 2002), but that it at one time had them.  Secondly, the only
stockpiles mentioned are of chemical weapons.  Of biological and
nuclear weapons it mentions only programs.  At no place does the
Authorization say that any WMD are current (post-1991).

Another clause states Iraq continues "to possess and develop a
significant chemical and biological weapons capability, actively
seeking a nuclear weapons capability" (my emphasis).  Again,
capabilities and potential capabilities are mentioned, but not ready-
to-use weapons or even weapon programs, much less large stockpiles of
modern WMD.

Feel free to read all 23 clauses.  The Authorization never claims that
Iraq had large stockpiles of modern WMD in 2002, which later became,
for no good reason, the threshold used for validation by the media and
administration critics.  (The logical fallacy employed by Bush's
critics here is the "straw man.")

Am I being hyper-technical in parsing the grammar of the Authorization
-- wallowing in what the meaning of "is" is?  No.

It is the media that is spinning by demanding that only finding large
stockpiles of modern WMD would legitimize the war. I am using the
actual law as clearly stated.  Such an authorization, passed by both
houses of Congress and signed into law by the President, was not just
cobbled together willy-nilly.  It was the law of the land -- carefully
crafted, debated and passed.  Words matter.

So what was found post-invasion?  The Duelfer Report  noted that 53
chemical weapons were found.

"Beginning in May 2004, ISG recovered a series of chemical weapons
from Coalition military units and other sources.  A total of 53
munitions have been recovered."  (Found on page 97 of Annex F of
Volume 3.)

That number later grew to over 500 chemical weapons.  You can now
check the "large stockpiles of chemical weapons" off your checklist
(even though the Authorization did not claim they existed in 2002 or
later).

What about biological and nuclear programs?

"Initially, Saddam chose to conceal his nuclear program in its
entirety, as he did with Iraq's BW [Biological Warfare] program.
Aggressive UN inspections after Desert Storm forced Saddam to admit
the existence of the program and destroy or surrender components of
the program.  In the wake of Desert Storm, Iraq took steps to conceal
key elements of its program and preserve what it could of the
professional capabilities of its nuclear scientific community."

You may now also check the biological and nuclear weapons programs off
your checklist.  At one time he had them.  The only question was how
active such programs were in 2002.  But we know that he had them at
one time and that he also concealed them later.  Were these programs
still active, but concealed, in 2002 or had he put them on hiatus?
For the purpose of the Authorization, the answer doesn't matter, but
let's examine it anyway.

As to concealment, note the following Duelferisms.

The word "conceal" is found 57 times in Volume 1 alone.

"Many locations associated with previous WMD programs and sites under
monitoring by the United Nations have been completely looted...  Often
there is nothing but a concrete slab at locations where once stood
plants or laboratories."

"We cannot express a firm view on the possibility that WMD elements
were relocated out of Iraq prior to the war."

"ISG technical experts fully evaluated less than one quarter of one
percent of the over 10,000 weapons caches throughout Iraq."

You can make what you will of those statements.  What I make of them
is that Duelfer and his fellow inspectors really have no idea what
happened with Saddam's WMD, facilities or programs.  They didn't look
everywhere.  Where they did look was mostly "looted," where "looting"
could mean cleaned out to conceal evidence.  Saddam consistently
concealed what he was up to.  And Duelfer cannot make a statement
about what might have been transported out of Iraq.

The Duelfer Report is three volumes of "I don't know."  Post-invasion
intelligence is no more trustworthy than pre-invasion intelligence.

In any case, Duelfer makes clear that Saddam had every intention of
restoring the programs as soon as he could get sanctions lifted.  His
very first finding, echoed often throughout the report, states his
fundamental conclusion.

"[Saddam] wanted to end sanctions while preserving the capability to
reconstitute his weapons of mass destruction when sanctions were
lifted."

In short, the Authorization did not try to "prove that Iraq had WMD."
Inasmuch as the Authorization mentioned WMD, such statements were
fully validated by post-war intelligence.  And Duelfer went even
further than Authorization claims by finding that Saddam had every
intention of reconstituting his WMD has soon as he could bribe his way
out of sanctions.

Did the Authorization try to "prove that Iraq had connections to the
911 terrorists"?  Was that proved false?

Again, no and no.

The Authorization mentions the September 11 attacks in five of the 23
"whereas" clauses.  Here is what it says in three such clauses, with
the other two being repeats of the same sentiments.

"Members of al Qaida, an organization bearing responsibility for the
attacks ... are known to be in Iraq."

The "attacks... underscored the gravity of the threat posed by the
acquisition of WMD by international terrorist organizations."

"... necessary actions against international terrorists and terrorist
organizations, including those ... who planned, authorized, committed,
or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001."

One clause mentions 9/11 only to provide a background of the gravity
of the situation.  Another clause explicitly says that all terrorists
are to be targeted, noting that the 9/11 terrorists are only a subset
of that larger threat.

There is only one statement in all of the Authorization that connects
Iraq with al Qaida and the 9/11 attacks, and then only indirectly.
All it says is that some al Qaida members were known to be in Iraq.

Note that nowhere in the Authorization is there any claim of even a
logistical, training or strategic relationship between al Qaida and
Iraq, much less an operational or planning one for the 9/11 attacks in
particular.  Again for no good reason, this latter claim became the
only legitimate threshold for military action per administration
critics.

Were any al Qaida members in Iraq at the time of the Authorization?
Yes, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and his cell.  The most recent Senate
Intelligence Committee's report on the matter concluded the
following .

"[Pre-war administration] statements that Iraq provided safe haven for
Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and other al-Qa'ida-related terrorist members
were substantiated by the intelligence assessments.  Intelligence
assessments noted Zarqawi's presence in Iraq and his ability to travel
and operate within the country.

"Postwar information supports prewar assessments and statements that
Abu Musab al-Zarqawi was in Baghdad and that al-Qa'ida was present in
northern Iraq."

This report is the product of a Democrat-controlled Senate committee,
chaired by John D. Rockefeller (D-WV), in a Democrat-controlled
Senate.  Moreover, more extensive Iraq-al-Qaida links have also been
substantiated.  According to the Senate Intelligence Committee's
report,

"One of the reported contacts [between Iraq and al-Qa'ida before the
war] has been confirmed, and two other meetings have since been
identified."

Judge Harold Baer ruled in Federal court that Iraq was indeed
partially responsible for the September 11 attacks, enough so that the
plaintiffs could be awarded damages against Saddam's Iraq .  The judge
ruled there was "a sufficient basis for a reasonable jury to draw
inferences"

"that Iraq provided material support to bin Laden and al Qaeda....
Iraq collaborated in or supported bin Laden/al Qaeda's terrorist acts
of September 11...  Iraq provided materiel support to al Qaeda and
that it did so with knowledge and intent to further al Qaeda's
criminal acts."

Judge Harold Baer is not some 10-Commandment-Displaying Reaganite; he
was appointed by President Clinton.  Significant testimony in the case
came from James Woolsey, President Clinton's CIA chief from 1993 to
1995.

In short, not only was the language of the Authorization validated,
but significantly more involvement between Iraq and al Qaida has been
substantiated by a Democrat-controlled Senate, a Clinton-appointed
federal judge and a Clinton-appointed former CIA chief.

So what was the terrorist-WMD reason for military action in Iraq?

The September 11 attacks demonstrated to all of us that terrorist
threats are not empty. Those of us who doubted the seriousness of such
threats (and I was one of them) had our heads cleared on 9/11.
Moreover, the attacks demonstrated just how deadly terrorists could be
with only box-cutters and other low-tech tools.  Between their words
and their actions, we knew we could not let terrorists get their hands
on WMD.

On the other hand, hostile states could use terrorists as covert or
plausibly-deniable WMD delivery devices.  The nightmare nexus would be
a hostile state with both WMD and terrorist connections.

Iraq had both WMD and terrorist connections.  In short, as the
Authorization puts it in its sixth "whereas,"

"Iraq both poses a continuing threat to the national security of the
United States and international peace and security in the Persian Gulf
region and remains in material and unacceptable breach of its
international obligations by, among other things, continuing to
possess and develop a significant chemical and biological weapons
capability, actively seeking a nuclear weapons capability, and
supporting and harboring terrorist organizations."

It was also not obvious that Saddam would not use WMD himself, without
resorting to terrorists as middlemen.  He had already used them
"against other nations and [his] own people."  He had expressed his
hatred of the US in word and deed by, among other things, attempting
"to assassinate former President Bush and by firing on many thousands
of occasions on United States and Coalition Armed Forces."

What are some of those "other things" that made Iraq in "materiel and
unacceptable breach of its international obligations"?

Iraq agreed to a cease-fire when it surrendered in Desert Storm in
1991.  It was in "direct and flagrant violation of the cease-fire."

Iraq agreed to eliminate its WMD programs in 1991.  It was later
caught continuing those programs, concealing them and thwarting
weapons inspectors to the point of kicking them out of the country.

Iraq agreed to "end its support for international terrorism" in 1991.
It continued to "aid and harbor" international terrorist
organizations, including those "that threaten the lives and safety of
United States citizens."

Iraq "engaged in brutal repression of its civilian population."

Iraq refused "to release, repatriate, or account for non-Iraqi
citizens wrongfully detained by Iraq, including an American
serviceman."

Iraq failed "to return property wrongfully seized by Iraq from
Kuwait."

Iraq attempted "to assassinate former President Bush."

Iraq fired "on many thousands of occasions on United States and
Coalition Armed Forces engaged in enforcing the resolutions of the
United Nations Security Council."

Iraq persisted in violating multiple United Nations resolutions.
Congress authorized the President "to use United States Armed Forces
pursuant to United Nations Security Council Resolution 678 (1990) in
order to achieve implementation of Security Council Resolution 660,
661, 662, 664, 665, 666, 667, 669, 674, and 677."

If Saddam's Iraq was not an "outlaw regime," then there is no such
thing.

Regardless of the careful wording of the Authorization, did the Bush
administration orchestrate a "public relations drive" that was "proved
false"?

Inasmuch as a public relations drive was mounted, it was examined by a
Democrat-controlled Senate Committee on Intelligence and largely found
to be "substantiated by intelligence."  This biased report from
Chairman John Rockefeller's committee analyzed various statements by
Bush administration officials and compared them to post-war
intelligence.  Here is what they found (emphasis added).

"Statements by the President, Vice President, Secretary of State and
the National Security Advisor regarding possible Iraqi nuclear weapons
program were generally substantiated by intelligence community
estimates, but did not convey the substantial disagreements that
existed in the intelligence community."

"Statements ... regarding Iraq's possession of biological agents,
weapons, production capability, and use of mobile biological
laboratories were substantiated by intelligence information."

"Statements ... regarding Iraq's possession of chemical weapons were
substantiated by intelligence information."

"Statements ... regarding Iraq's possession of weapons of mass
destruction were generally substantiated by intelligence information,
though many statements made regarding ongoing production prior to late
2002 reflected a higher level of certainty than the intelligence
judgments themselves."

"Statements ... regarding Iraqi ballistic missiles were generally
substantiated by available intelligence."

"Statements ... that Iraq was developing unmanned aerial vehicles that
could be use to deliver chemical or biological weapons were generally
substantiated by intelligence information, but did not convey the
substantial disagreements or evolving views that existed in the
intelligence community."

"Statements ... regarding Iraq's support for terrorist groups other
than al-Qa'ida were substantiated by intelligence information."

"Statements that Iraq provided safe haven for Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and
other al-Qa'ida-related terrorist members were substantiated by the
intelligence assessments."

Substantiated, substantiated, substantiated by the intelligence.  And
these conclusions from some of the most ardent Bush-bashers in the
Senate.  About the worst they could come up with was that the Bush
administration made claims with more confidence than seemed warranted
by the intelligence community.

Tell me, if military action is considered necessary and legal, by both
Congress and the Executive branch, is it OK for the President to
muster domestic and international support for such action by using
rhetorical persuasion?  I dare say, he would be negligent if he
didn't.

The True Story

The Bush administration did not lie.  Saddam's Iraq was a threat to
the US that demanded the use of military force.  That was not just
Bush's "cowboy" opinion; that was the written law, passed by huge and
bipartisan margins in both houses of Congress.  That opinion was
supported by both pre-war intelligence and post-war intelligence.

Moreover, the "legal case" was solid and Iraq was given chance after
chance after chance.

The authorization noted at least 10 UN resolutions, spread out over a
decade, to justify the use of US military force.

The Authorization noted that "the President has authority under the
Constitution to take action in order to deter and prevent acts of
international terrorism against the United States, as Congress
recognized in ... Public Law 107-40."  [Emphasis added.]

The Authorization noted Public Law 105-235 (passed under President
Clinton) that urged the President "to take appropriate action, in
accordance with the Constitution and relevant laws of the United
States, to bring Iraq into compliance with its international
obligations."

The invasion of Iraq was arguably the most justified case of military
action the US has ever taken in its history, based on national
defense, validated intelligence and legal authority, not to mention
morality.  Articles of impeachment would have made more sense if Bush
had not invaded.

That the exact opposite story is what a majority of Americans appear
to believe, and a super-majority of non-Americans, is a scary
thought.  The truth has been sabotaged, and not by President Bush or
his allies.


Randall Hoven's writings can be found at kulak.worldbreak.com.




On Dec 22, 1:46�pm, wncs <[email protected]> wrote:
> You yourself just pointed to Saddam as the reason for the invasion,
> now you're backpedaling. Which is it? Can't have it both ways, you
> know.
>
> On Dec 22, 1:40 pm, "[email protected]" <[email protected]> wrote:
>
>
>
> > SLIME wncs:
>
> > That have something to do with why we went into Iraq???
>
> > Is there a time limit about how ,ong we are allowed to stay in Iraq?
>
> > The Mission Accomplished sign was for the completetion of the Mission
> > for the aircraft carrier Bush was speaking on.
>
> > The Mission was Accompished for ousting Saddam Hussein - but not for
> > settling down Iraq.
>
> > On Dec 22, 1:34 pm, wncs <[email protected]> wrote:
>
> > > March 2003: Saddam overthrown
> > > May 2003: Bush declares "Mission Accomplished"
> > > 2008: We're still there, and 97% of US casualties have come AFTER so-
> > > called "mission accomplished."
>
> > >http://rawstory.com/news/2008/97_percent_of_US_death_toll_0324.html
>
> > > So, what was that about Saddam again?
>
> > > On Dec 22, 1:01 pm, "[email protected]" <[email protected]> wrote:
>
> > > > The IRAQ invasion was L-E-G-AL and J-U-S-T-I-F-I-E-D.
>
> > > > Did you ever wonder why Saddam was a allowed to remain as president of
> > > > Iraq after he got clobbered by the U.S. in the 1991 Gulf War?
>
> > > > Think he may have agreed to some surrender terms to allow him to stay
> > > > in power?
>
> > > > Think he ever fulfilled those surrender terms??
>
> > > > Read UN Resolution # 687. Saddam was given 15 days-- from April 3
> > > > until April 18, 1991 to fulfill the terms of his surrender.
>
> > > > By April of 2003 - 4,390 days AFTER his deadline, he still had not met
> > > > the terms of his surrender.
>
> > > > Ever wonder why U.S. planes were over-flying Iraq all the years
> > > > between 1991 and 2003, putting our pilots in danger?
>
> > > > P.S.: Read UN Resolution # 687 of April 3, 1991 THEN Read UN
> > > > Resolution 1440 of the Fall of 2002 - which state that Saddam still
> > > > had not fulfilled Resolution #687.
>
> > > > Do think you would be legally allowed to remain living in your house
> > > > for 12 years (4,390 days) without ever making a mortgage payment - if
> > > > you owed a mortgage???
>
> > > > On Dec 22, 12:48 pm, wncs <[email protected]> wrote:
>
> > > > > Most of those troops would still be alive if they weren't sent to a
> > > > > needless invasion of Iraq. Nothing he does can ever atone for that,
> > > > > try as he might.
>
> > > > > On Dec 22, 12:43 pm, "[email protected]" <[email protected]> wrote:
>
> > > > > > December 22, 2008
> > > > > > americanthinker.com
> > > > > > Rick Moran
>
> > > > > > Many readers of this site - including yours truly - have disagreed
> > > > > > vehemently with George Bush on numerous occasions. Unlike the left,
> > > > > > however, most of us have seen the president as a decent, God-fearing
> > > > > > man who took office and served during perhaps the most consequential
> > > > > > period of American history since the Civil War.
>
> > > > > > He will never, ever be vouchsafed this decency by the left - no 
> > > > > > matter
> > > > > > if the evidence comes up and smacks them over the head.
>
> > > > > > Here's the bludgeon:
>
> > > > > > For much of the past seven years, President Bush and Vice President
> > > > > > Dick Cheney have waged a clandestine operation inside the White 
> > > > > > House.
> > > > > > It has involved thousands of military personnel, private 
> > > > > > presidential
> > > > > > letters and meetings that were kept off their public calendars or
> > > > > > sometimes left the news media in the dark.
>
> > > > > > Their mission: to comfort the families of soldiers who died fighting
> > > > > > in Afghanistan and Iraq since the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks and to
> > > > > > lift the spirits of those wounded in the service of their country.
>
> > > > > > On Monday, the president is set to make a more common public trip -
> > > > > > with reporters in tow - to Walter Reed Army Medical Center, home to
> > > > > > many of the wounded and a symbol of controversy earlier in his
> > > > > > presidency over the quality of care the veterans were receiving.
>
> > > > > > But the size and scope of Mr. Bush's and Mr. Cheney's private
> > > > > > endeavors to meet with wounded soliders and families of the fallen 
> > > > > > far
> > > > > > exceed anything that has been witnessed publicly, according to
> > > > > > interviews with more than a dozen officials familiar with the 
> > > > > > effort.
>
> > > > > > Bush says the reason he did it is simply that he felt it his duty to
> > > > > > do so.
>
> > > > > > Mr. Bush, for instance, has sent personal letters to the families of
> > > > > > every one of the more than 4,000 troops who have died in the two 
> > > > > > wars,
> > > > > > an enormous personal effort that consumed hours of his time and
> > > > > > escaped public notice. The task, along with meeting family members 
> > > > > > of
> > > > > > troops killed in action, has been so wrenching - balancing the 
> > > > > > anger,
> > > > > > grief and pride of families coping with the loss symbolized by a 
> > > > > > flag-
> > > > > > draped coffin - that the president often leaned on his wife, Laura,
> > > > > > for emotional support.
>
> > > > > > "I lean on the Almighty and Laura," Mr. Bush said in the interview.
> > > > > > "She has been very reassuring, very calming."
>
> > > > > > Mr. Bush also has met privately with more than 500 families of 
> > > > > > troops
> > > > > > killed in action and with more than 950 wounded veterans, according 
> > > > > > to
> > > > > > White House spokesman Carlton Carroll. Many of those meetings were
> > > > > > outside the presence of the news media at the White House or at
> > > > > > private sessions during official travel stops, officials said.
>
> > > > > > The first lady said those private visits, many of which she also
> > > > > > attended, took a heavy emotional toll, not just on the president, 
> > > > > > but
> > > > > > on her as well.
>
> > > > > > Vice President Cheney also made an extraordinary effort to meet with
> > > > > > wounded soldiers and families of the deceased.
>
> > > > > > A purely political observation is if the public knew of this 
> > > > > > herculean
> > > > > > effort on the part of Bush and Cheney - the sheer numbers being
> > > > > > incredible - I daresay the president's approval ratings would not be
> > > > > > hovering in the mid-20's. The demonization of Bush by the media and
> > > > > > the left would have been much more difficult and perhaps less
> > > > > > successful.
>
> > > > > > But in the end, they were right to keep it a secret. Any hint of
> > > > > > politics in such an effort would have made the entire exercise seem
> > > > > > hypocritical. And you can bet that the media and the left would have
> > > > > > tried to paint any effort to visit and comfort the troops - such as
> > > > > > the massive undertaking described in the article - as PR window
> > > > > > dressing, nothing more.
>
> > > > > > Bush has come in for a lot of criticism - much of it deserved - over
> > > > > > the years. But the portrayal of him as an unfeeling, uncaring man 
> > > > > > when
> > > > > > it came to the suffering of soldiers or citizens as a result of war 
> > > > > > or
> > > > > > natural disaster was always purely political. Even his most vigorous
> > > > > > supporters, however, could not have imagined the extent to which he
> > > > > > gave of his time and emotional energy to ease the suffering of
> > > > > > Americans who have given so much for America during his time in
> > > > > > office.- Hide quoted text -
>
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