survival of the fittest,fool.   where do you idiot libs find this
shit.  you people really do suffer from a mental disorder.

On Jan 10, 3:23 pm, "M.A. Johnson" <[email protected]> wrote:
> FEATURED ARTICLE | JANUARY 5, 2009Should Government Reduce Inequality in Life 
> Spans?Dwight R. Lee*
> The concern that so many people have over large inequality of income is 
> puzzling for two reasons. First, some of those most adamantly in favor of 
> reducing income inequality using government taxation and transfers also 
> dismiss the importance of additional income for most people.1They tell us 
> that money doesn't buy happiness once we have such basics as adequate 
> housing, food, clothing and access to health care (which is different than 
> having health insurance).2Because the vast majority of Americans have these 
> basics, the focus on income inequality does not make much sense.
> The second reason this focus is puzzling is that there is a far more 
> important inequality: that is the inequality in life expectancy. Precisely 
> because income in excess of a fairly modest income (modest, at least, by U.S. 
> standards) is not very important, what matters more for happiness is the 
> amount of time we have on this earth to be happy. Few would deny that a few 
> additional years of life would be more precious to most Americans than the 
> extra money they might receive from government transfers. If inequality in 
> things that matter is important, there is a basic inequality that the 
> worriers about inequality should be paying attention to: the inequality in 
> life expectancy between men and women.
> In 2005, life expectancy at birth was almost seven percent higher for 
> American women than for American men (80.4 years for women vs. 75.2 years for 
> men). Governments could certainly reduce this life-expectancy inequality by 
> redistributing medical research funding on women's health to research on 
> men's health, and general medical care funding from women to men. Consider 
> that men are more likely to die from prostate cancer than women are from 
> breast cancer. Yet in 2005 federal expenditures for prostate cancer research 
> were $390 million compared to $698 million for breast cancer research, and 
> the American Cancer Society contributed almost three times as much for breast 
> cancer research ($98 million) as for prostate cancer research ($36 million).
> When I talk to people, I find that they generally agree with, and rarely 
> strongly oppose, forcible government transfers of income from the rich to the 
> poor to reduce income inequality. But when I suggest that the government 
> transfer medical expenditures from women to men to reduce life-expectancy 
> inequality, I get a very different reaction. Often, the listener will simply 
> give me a strange look and quickly depart. Those who do respond verbally, 
> however, typically say that I couldn't possibly be serious because my idea is 
> outrageously silly. I agree. It is silly. But I am completely serious in 
> suggesting it.For the definition of "gender gap, seeGender Gap,by Claudia 
> Goldin andDiscrimination,by Linda Gorman.Concise Encyclopedia of Economics. 
> For a podcast on inequality, seeWilliam Bernstein on Inequalitywith host Russ 
> Roberts on EconTalk. Oct. 6, 2008.When we seriously consider an attempt to 
> use government power to reduce the gender inequality in life expectancy, the 
> problems that we have always faced when government uses its power to reduce 
> income inequality suddenly become crystal clear. Government transfers to 
> reduce the gender gap in life expectancy would do little more than 
> reduceimprovementsin both women's and men's life expectancies. For similar 
> reasons, government transfers have done little more than reduce the income 
> growth ofboththe rich and the poor. So government attempts to reduce 
> life-expectancy inequality by transferring medical expenditures would be 
> silly, but no sillier than its attempts to reduce income inequality by 
> transferring money.
> There are several reasons why redistributing medical expenditures to reduce 
> gender inequality in life expectancies would not work. And there are parallel 
> reasons for the failure of redistributing money to reduce income inequality.
> First, the longevity of married men is positively related to the longevity of 
> their wives. Becoming widowed increases the death rate of both men and women, 
> but the increase is greater for men than for women.3So any policy that 
> retards increases in women's longevity in an effort to boost the increase in 
> men's longevity is likely to reduce the increase in both. Such a policy might 
> reduce the longevity gender gap, but would do so mainly by reducing the life 
> expectancy that both men and women would otherwise have experienced. 
> Similarly, the real incomes of the poor are greater in rich countries than in 
> poor countriesi.e., the poor are better off in countries in which people can 
> become wealthy by making more productive use of their human and physical 
> capital. A policy that retards the growth in the incomes of the wealthy to 
> increase transfers to the poor can be expected to reduce income growth for 
> both while doing little to reduce income inequality.For a definition of moral 
> hazard, seeInsurance,by Richard Zeckhauser.Concise Encyclopedia of 
> Economics.Second, if additional medical research and care are transferred 
> from women to men to increase male longevity, any increase would be at least 
> partially offset by the moral hazard problemthat is, as men receive more 
> medical care, they will engage in more-risky and less-healthy behavior. So 
> some, and maybe most, of any reduction in the gap in gender longevity would 
> result from slower growth in women's longevity. A similar moral hazard also 
> reduces the gain to recipients of income transfers. When government transfers 
> are made available to the poor, the poor will substitute government-provided 
> income for privately-earned income. So those receiving government transfers 
> typically gain less than those paying for the transfers lose, and any 
> reduction in income inequality results less from gains to the poor than from 
> losses to the non-poor.4For more on health insurance and health care, 
> seeHealth Care,by Michael A. Morrisey.Concise Encyclopedia of 
> Economics.Third, trying to force medical expenditure in directions that 
> reduce the gender inequality in life expectancies is not the best way to 
> realize the greatest gain in overall life expectancy. The 
> greatestaggregatebenefit is achieved by allocating medical resources so that 
> they create the best medical outcomes, irrespective of how a 
> politically-favored group might benefit from particular expenditures. There 
> is no evidence that better health and longer life expectancies in general 
> increases gender inequality in longevity. Similarly, transferring resources 
> in an attempt to reduce income inequality reduces an economy's productivity 
> growth, and productivity growth is the most effective way of helping the 
> poor. Who can deny that it is better to be poor in a prosperous country than 
> in a poor one?For historical readings on factors involving life expectancy, 
> longevity, and economic well-being by health and gender, see the biography 
> ofThomas Robert Malthus,Concise Encyclopedia of Economics, and hisEssay on 
> the Principle of Population(including, in the 2nd-6th editions, Malthus's 
> seminal in-the-field studies comparing records of births/deaths/longevity by 
> nationality, race, and gender across countries and political 
> processes).Finally, one can object that the political process is incapable of 
> reducing the longevity difference between men and women. There are so many 
> interacting factors involved in life expectancy outcomes that empowering 
> politicians to reduce the longevity gap would, given the voters' rational 
> ignorance, expand politicians' latitude to pursue unrelated political 
> objectives. Indeed, politicians could enact policies that increase the gap 
> and reduce increases in life expectancies without worry that the harm would 
> be noticed, let alone blamed on them. In comparison, it might seem 
> straightforward for politicians to reduce income inequality by increasing 
> taxes on the wealthy and transferring the money to the poor. But politicians 
> have demonstrated little ability to reduce income inequality despite the 
> enormous amounts of money they have been transferring, supposedly for this 
> purpose, for decades.5For more on these topics, seePoverty in America,by 
> Isabel V. Sawhill,Population,by Ronald Lee Demos, andStandards of Living and 
> Modern Economic Growth,by John V. C. Nye.Concise Encyclopedia of 
> Economics.Once voters express themselves in favor of allegedly noble 
> objectives, such as reducing income inequality with transfers, almost none of 
> them take the trouble to determine where the transfers actually go. This 
> allows politicians to improve their re-election prospects by largely ignoring 
> income inequality and directing most of the transfers to politically 
> influential interest groups (think farmers, exporters, university students, 
> small businesses, businesses too large to fail and now investment bankers) 
> and to large numbers of the general public (thinkSocial Securityand Medicare 
> recipients, and homeowners who receive tax breaks in the form of interest 
> deductibility on interest payments), few of whom are poor and almost none of 
> whom are chronically poor. Interestingly, politicians are not reluctant to 
> inform the public that income inequality has increased rather than decreased. 
> Indeed, they often exaggerate any increase.6Politicians have noticed that 
> they can blame the failure of existing transfer programs to reduce income 
> inequality on such things as corporate greed, failure to increase taxes, and 
> immigration. And they use that failure to justify yet more transfers that can 
> be used to increase their election prospects rather than to reduce income 
> inequality.
> Gender inequality in life expectancy is something that government's forced 
> transfers can do little, if anything, to reduce. Fortunately, politicians 
> have not yet seen an electoral benefit from attempting to reduce this 
> inequality. Greater longevity for men is desirable independent of comparisons 
> with the longevity of women, and it is best achieved when government is 
> largely limited to enforcing the general rules of private property and 
> voluntary exchange that promote freedom and prosperity. By contrast, 
> politicians have found it politically advantageous to exaggerate income 
> inequality and convince the public that it is a serious problem demanding 
> more government transfers. The reality is that political attempts to reduce 
> income inequality with transfers are frustrated by the same considerations 
> that would frustrate an attempt to reduce gender inequality in life 
> expectancy with transfers. Helping the poor by reducing poverty is desirable 
> independent of comparisons with the wealth of the rich. And, as with greater 
> longevity for men, improving the income of the poor is best achieved by the 
> freedom and prosperity that result when government is restricted to enforcing 
> the general rules of private property and voluntary exchange.Further Reading
> Frank, Robert H.,Falling Behind: How Rising Inequality Harms the Middle 
> Class.(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007).
> Haveman, Robert,Starting Even: An Equal Opportunity Program to Combat the 
> Nation's New Poverty.1988.
> Layard, Richard,Happiness: Lessons from a New Science.(New York: The Penguin 
> Press, 2005).
> Lee, Dwight R. "Who Says Money Can't Buy Happiness,"The Independent 
> Review.Vol. 10, No. 3 (Winter 2006): 385-400.
> Lee, Dwight R.,"Redistribution"in David R. Henderson (ed.)The Concise 
> Encyclopedia of Economics(2008).
> Okun, Arthur M.,Equality and Efficiency: The Big Tradeoff.1975.
> Reynolds, Alan, "Has U.S. Income Inequality Really Increased?"Policy 
> Analysis,No. 586 (Washington: Cato Institute, January 8, 2007).
> Sawhill, Isabel V. "Poverty in the U.S.: Why Is It So Persistent?"Journal of 
> Economic Literature26 (September 1988): 1073-1119.Footnotes1.  See Frank 
> (2007; Chapter 3) and Richard Layard"Setting Happiness as a National Goal."2. 
>  See Layard (2005) for a thorough and sympathetic discussion of this view of 
> money and happiness.3.  See"Married People and Widows Found to Outlive 
> Widowers."Joel Greenberg,NYTimes.July 31, 1981.4.  This ignores the 
> dead-weight loss from taxation and the administrative cost of transferring 
> money from taxpayers to those receiving the transfers.5.  One never knows for 
> sure what income inequality would be without the tremendous increase in 
> government spending in the name of helping the poor since the 1960s. But we 
> do know the income inequality has not declined much, if any, since the 1960s, 
> and those who want the government to transfer more to the poor claim that 
> income inequality has increased. For a discussion of some of the political 
> difficulties involved in attempts to transfer income to the poor from 
> economists who favor such transfers see Haveman (1988), Okun (1975) and 
> Sawhill (1988). For a short discussion of this difficulties from someone who 
> is not favorably to these transfers, see Lee (2008).6.  See"Obama Addresses 
> Income Inequality"for aWashington Postarticle on Obama addressing the problem 
> of income inequality. For evidence that income inequality is exaggerated, see 
> Reynolds (2007).*I would like to thank the EarhartFoundation for supporting 
> my research on the economics of happiness that led to the idea for this 
> column.Dwight R. Lee is the William J. O'Neil Professor of Global Markets and 
> Freedom at the Cox School of Business, Southern Methodist 
> University.http://www.econlib.org/library/Columns/y2009/Leelifeexpectancy.html
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