Stages of DenialTake pity on the left as it grapples with the tea party
revolt

Matt Kibbe <http://www.reason.com/contrib/show/775.html> | April 29, 2009

According to Pajamas Media, 700,873 people
attended<http://www.pjtv.com/?cmd=view-events&type=1&sort=turnout&reverse=true&category=2&state=>some
883 tea party protests on April 15. It was a remarkable day, a
tangible
expression of public outrage that I have not experienced in my 25 years of
advocacy and grassroots organizing on behalf of free-market principles.

Judging from the left's hysterical reaction, something really big must have
happened. But the only way to really understand the left's misinformed and
paranoid attacks is to realize that the protests represent tangible proof
that basic libertarian values continue to resonate with the American
electorate. That, apparently, is a difficult thing for some to accept.

I attended the tea party in Atlanta along with 15,000 other activists, and
was struck by the makeup of the crowd. This was not a typical conservative
Republican rally, with local GOP activists, Ron Paul enthusiasts, and
single-issue obsessives. (Those folks always show up—and they did in
Atlanta.) The difference was the new people: Young hipsters, families, angry
moms, and retirees alike left their normal routines and work obligations to
show up in protest of government policies that they passionately believe
will ruin what is unique about America.

What were the tea parties about? Reading the signs and talking to people
(unlike CNN's incredibly hostile Susan
Roesgen<http://www.eyeblast.tv/public/eyeblast.swf?v=ydSUqGSUaG&sm=1>,
I actually let folks answer my questions in their own words), the "agenda"
was crystal clear. Tea party activists were worried and angry about government
bailouts <http://www.reason.com/news/show/129218.html> for the
irresponsible, about spending that "stimulated" record growth in government
and not much else, and about government borrowing that will place
unconscionable burdens on future generations of Americans. My favorite sign
of the day: "Give Me Liberty, Not Debt."

Some tried to diminish the tea parties as misguided tax protests. In
reality, the protestors demonstrated a sophisticated understanding of
economics that went well beyond objections to higher tax rates. You can't
spend money you don't have, the tea party attendees understood, and
government spending above current revenues must be paid for with higher
taxes, more borrowing (to be paid for with higher taxes in the future), or
artificial government expansion of money and credit, which can only debase
the currency and make everyone poorer through inflation.

So how did the media miss the real story? Perhaps the question itself is
silly because it assumes that left-of-center reporters were actually trying
to "report." Some were, though most simply regurgitated the talking points
supplied by partisans in the blogosphere.

But facts can be stubborn things, and no matter how many times those talking
points were repeated by reporters, it quickly became clear that a
substantial slice of the electorate would not buy into the promise of really
big government. Imagine how that must have felt for many leftists: Having
dutifully sat through a four hour and 17 minute subtitled movie about Che
Guevara that every sane American ignored, many in the Hope and Change
Brigade misinterpreted the voting public's rejection of Republican
over-spending and gross mismanagement last November as an endorsement of *La
Revolución*!

Wiki-trained psychologists like me immediately recognized their pain. The
remarkable ends to which lefty bloggers, Nobel Laureates, bit-part
actresses, and even a senior White House official all went to discredit the
massive grassroots revolt perfectly matches Elizabeth
Kübler-Ross<http://www.elisabethkublerross.com/>'
famous work on how to deal with grief, death, and loss.

Take Janeane Garofalo. Many tea party attendees were understandably offended
when she compared them <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jAAHMDpk7Ik> to
members of the Ku Klux Klan. "It's not about bashing Democrats, it's not
about taxes, they have no idea what the Boston tea party was about, they
don't know their history at all," she told Keith Olbermann. "This is about
hating a black man in the White House. This is racism straight up. That is
nothing but a bunch of teabagging rednecks."

I know what you're probably thinking about Ms. Garofalo, and it's not kind.
I thought it too. But look beneath the surface, and at least try to imagine
her pain. As Kübler-Ross explains, first comes denial, then comes anger.
Hope and Change, for Janeane, was dying. And she couldn't believe it.

This shift from denial to anger is an integral part of the Kübler-Ross
healing process for the radical left. Remember that the tea party deniers
started their work in the weeks building up to April 15th, first claiming
that the grassroots gatherings were really just cleverly manufactured PR
events. Paul Krugman best
represented<http://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/13/opinion/13krugman.html>this
position: "They're AstroTurf (fake grassroots) events, manufactured by
the usual suspects. In particular, a key role is being played by
FreedomWorks, an organization run by Richard Armey, the former House
majority leader, and supported by the usual group of right-wing
billionaires." The Nobel Laureate economist lifted that story from Think
Progress and the Huffington Post. They, in turn, lifted it from a
particularly emotional blog
post<http://meganmcardle.theatlantic.com/archives/2009/03/did_playboy_just_disappear_an.php>at
Playboy.com that described FreedomWorks as a "mega-beast." By
repeating
the story, Krugman made it the talking point for just about everyone,
including House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who said, on cue: "We call it
AstroTurf; it's not really a grassroots movement."

Somewhere along the way, this willful denial gave way to ridicule and
mockery. Many reporters turned downright hostile. Sometimes their rage
morphed into locker room-style double entendres. For instance, MSNBC's
Rachel Maddow said *teabag* 63 times during a 7-minute segment on the
protests. CNN's Anderson Cooper, who presumably wants to be taken seriously,
opted for dirty jokes rather than his heavily branded expertise in
"investigative journalism." Together, they no doubt managed to make
*teabag*the Google word of the day.

Regardless, the transformation was fascinating. Within a week, the storyline
went from cries of "AstroTurf" to Senior White House adviser David
Axelrod—Obama's very own Karl Rove—declaring the tea parties *too* real for
his comfort. So real that he actually pronounced them "unhealthy." When
questioned on CBS's "Face the Nation," Axelrod said: "I think any time you
have severe economic conditions there is always an element of disaffection
that can mutate into something that's unhealthy." *Unhealthy*? "Well, this
is a country where we value our liberties and our ability to express
ourselves, and so far these are expressions."

Call me old school, but I still live in a country where the citizens more
than "value" their liberties and their ability to express opposition to
government policy. These liberties define us; they bind us as a nation. They
are explicitly defined in the Constitution and Bill of Rights. So make fun
of me. Call me a "teabagger" if you must. But now a senior White House
official is suggesting that my freedom of speech and my right to peaceably
assemble are "unhealthy" and are only acceptable "so far." Will the White
House grow tired of our "unhealthy" expressions and send the First Amendment
packing, much like it did to former GM CEO Rick Wagoner? That's far scarier
than the somewhat kooky guy who participates in Revolutionary War
reenactments on weekends, and wore his full costume—Samuel Adams style—to
the Atlanta tea party. (Full disclosure: the kook in question also works as
FreedomWorks' press guy, resigning Sam Adams, I fear, to the dustbin of
"AstroTurf.")

Did the tea parties matter? One reasonable measure of progress may be the
sheer volume of vitriol produced by their critics. This alone is an
attractive value proposition. The tea parties also happened to fall smack in
the middle of the April "recess" for members of the House and Senate. That's
when legislators (at least those in competitive seats) go back home to hear
from their constituents. In the short run, the tea parties send a real
signal to senators and congressmen who, already uncomfortable with the
aggressiveness and speed with which the White House is pushing policy
through Congress, will think twice when the president's $3.6 trillion budget
blueprint comes back to the floor.

In the long run, the faces I saw in Atlanta represent a potentially potent
new constituency for fiscal discipline and government restraint.
Compositionally, this is the same voting block that showed up to vote for
the very first time in 1994 in reaction to the big government overreaches of
the Clinton Administration, throwing House Democrats out after 40 years of
policy hegemony.

I don't believe that the official Republican apparatus can effectively
organize these voters for 2010. Indeed, the very nature of the tea parties
defies top-down direction. The protests, just like the free market process
they tacitly espoused, were decentralized and driven by voluntary action.
But as Saul Alinsky might tell you, activists need to stay active. Many of
the most effective organizations and community leaders that emerged from the
tea party movement have already gathered behind a March on
Washington<http://912dc.org/>on September 12, 2009. Other efforts will
add more structure to the tea
party communities, and perhaps target some grassroots pressure towards
particular politicians during specific legislative battles over socialized
health care, higher spending, and other big government schemes.

Who knows, next November those protestors might just show up to vote against
the politicians who dismissed the tea party revolt of 2009 as "AstroTurf."

*Viva La Revolución!*

*Matt Kibbe <[email protected]> is President of FreedomWorks
Foundation.*
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